JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.. American Geographical Society is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Geographical Review.ABSTRACT. German geopolitical writers in the 1930s proposed a tripartite division of the world into large panregions of American, European, and Japanese hegemony. This model is examined, with attention to imperialist ambitions in Africa. Six indicators of international relations (diplomatic ties, memberships in intergovernmental organizations, air-traffic links, trade and foreign investments, developmental aid, and arms sales and military intervention) are used to analyze the applicability of the model. The concept of Eurafrica is less valid now than it was before World War II because of waning colonial ties, activities of non-European states, and the marginal role of Africa in world affairs. Western European influence is decreasing in Africa. Eurafrica is still a premature geopolitical concept. THE GEOGRAPHICAL REVIEWto resource peripheries and cutting across latitudinally distributed environmental zones. To focus the discussion, we identify the origins of the concept and describe its variable content over time, analyze the case of Eurafrica, and determine whether the concept still merits attention in light of a halfcentury of global and regional changes.Most studies take for granted the ideological nature of German geopolitics and review the geopolitical concepts in the context of the period of World War II (1939)(1940)(1941)(1942)(1943)(1944)(1945). The empirical basis of the concepts and the theoretical justification remain unexamined (Klein 1985; Parker 1985). We want to restore the link between pure and applied political geography and to examine geopolitics from the perspective of its contribution to politico-geographical knowledge. This approach does not neglect the ideological, ethnocentric nature of geopolitics; instead it is clearly exposed. However, there is the opportunity to rescue some potentially useful notions from the ideological debris. IMPERIALISM IN GERMAN GEOPOLITICS The concept of a world divided into panregions evolved from the debates in German Geopolitik on the merits of overseas expansion in comparison with settlement of eastern Europe and on the costs and benefits of colonial possessions. Although the roots of the political geography of German imperialism predated Friedrich Ratzel, his work inspired Haushofer and hisfollowers. Ratzel (1896), with his seven laws of the spatial growth of states, had provided a powerful political justification for the organic expansion of large states at the expense of small, weak neighbors. Five spatial concepts formed the core of Geopolitik, and all had antecedents in the works of Ratzel and Sir Halfor...

This article offers an analysis of the emerging scalar configuration of the governance of the European Union. It discusses how European integration stands for a move from a collection of territorially homogenous systems of rule towards a new assemblage of territories, authorities and rights. The paper first questions the stretchy territoriality of the seemingly obvious European level. Second it analyses the sectoral differences in the evolution of the width and the depth of integration, measured as the transfer of competencies to the EU level between the Rome Treaty (1958) and the Lisbon Treaty (200y). Third it turns to the day-to-day decisionmaking to assess the relations between players in EU governance and finally it looks more closely at the administrative wheels of the EU machinery.

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This paper reappraises the two papers of Manuel Castells published in this journal in 1993 and 2002. This appraisal considers the context of his academic career and formidable body of work, the historical period in which the papers appeared and the general discussion on the transformation of cities and societies in academia. Although his legacy is now strongly coloured by Castells' later shift to information and communication, his contributions to cities should not be neglected. Commonalities and differences between the two papers at issue here are summarised. Despite shifts in personal positions of the author and socio‐economic positions of the studied cities, commonalities largely prevail. Their footprint in the academic literature is indicated by a discussion of cities and the world economy.

In this paper, we explore the different political responses to the euro crisis among European publics since the financial crisis in Europe started in 2008 by concentrating on the two most important organizational vehicles in a democratic polity: political parties and social movements. We examine the political geography of possible shifts in support patterns for competing parties at national elections (in the member states where they have been held) and the geographical distribution of popular protests related to the crisis in 2011-2012. Finally, we address the risks of democratic deterioration by comparing current developments with the interwar period.