The world population is ageing. In the UK alone, it is projected that by 2035 those aged 65 and over will account for 23 per cent of the total population whilst the number of people aged 85 and over will account for 5 per cent of the total population. At the same time, the digital transformations of the last few decades are leaving behind many older adults who, for reasons ranging from accessibility issues to work biographies to personal preference, are less likely to engage with digital technologies. Research undertaken in this area to date has largely been policy led and concerned with providing hardware access and basic skills (e.g. Race Online in the UK). In this article we are concerned with the powerful capacities of digital technologies for communication, archiving, and self-representation, which are under-used by this group, meaning that their cultural histories and experiences are often less visible in the digital world (Loe, 2013; Potter, 2013). While large digital companies such as Google are beginning to consider and provide resources to help people to plan for their 'digital afterlife' (Graham et al., 2013)-mainly restricted to issues of specifying what happens to social media presence and email accounts after death-there is little work that examines older people's experiences of attempting to use the digital to tell stories that will leave a personal and public legacy towards the end of life. This article begins to examine the challenges and the opportunities that might characterise this area. In doing so, it explores two research studies with 'third' and 'fourth' agers that have examined, in very different settings, the diverse challenges of knitting together the fragmented and scattered 'data' of life experience into private and public narratives. The first study is a case study of three community filmmakers working with an artist to create a film based on their peers' experiences as first generation Caribbean immigrants to the UK; the second is a study comprising three workshops and five detailed case studies examining how older adults use existing 'data' to recollect, to curate and to reflect on their lives and learning for personal purposes.

In contemporary accounts of cultural value, young people's perspectives are often restricted to analyses of their encounters with formal cultural institutions or schools or to debates surrounding the cultural implications of new digital spaces and technologies. Other studies have been dominated by instrumental accounts exploring the potential economic benefit and skills development facilitated by young people's cultural encounters and experiences. In this paper we examine the findings of a nine month project, which set out to explore what cultural value means to young people in Bristol. Between October 2013 and March 2014, the Arts and Humanities Research Council "Teenage Kicks" project organised 14 workshops at 7 different locations across the city, with young people aged 11-20. Working in collaboration with a network of cultural and arts organisations, the study gathered a range of empirical data investigating the complex ecologies of young people's everyday/"lived" cultures and values. Young people's own accounts of their cultural practices challenge normative definitions of culture and cultural value but also demonstrate how these definitions act to reproduce social inequalities in relation to cultural participation and social and cultural capital. The paper concludes that cultural policy-makers should listen and take young people's voices seriously in re-imaging the city's cultural offer for all young people.

Two major international agendas are currently working to realign social, material and representational elements of the city in ways that are helpful for both children and older adults. The Age Friendly City movement (AFC) (led by the World Health Organisation) and the Child Friendly Cities (CFC) movement (led by UNICEF) aim to ensure that planners, policy makers and developers design cities that take account of the interests of age groups who are too often marginalised in current policy and design processes. These movements are valuable and important in themselves, however they also have significant implications for the future of a learning city in which intergenerational exchange is valued. In this chapter, in order to understand better how the city might (re) learn to become intergenerational, we explore different intergenerational assemblages, looking at what is being aligned, and connected in the AFC and CFC movements. We then describe a performative, experimental project that sought to enable different alignments between these movements. A key element of this involved building new imaginative ideas about what might be possible in order to realign these generational assemblages for intergenerational, civic learning. Finally we explore what worked and didn't work, what resisted enrolment, what was easily aligned and what routines were disrupted.

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The international Smart Cities movement (of cities driving digitally-led urban innovation) is not often linked with the international Learning Cities movement. However, there are learning questions at stake here. Smart City agendas are often criticised as being predominantly technocratic and instrumental, prioritising market-led solutions to urban issues (Cardullo and Kitchin, 2017). Such criticism has led, however, to recent moves to place the citizen at the centre of these discussions. This raises pedagogical and educational challenges: what theories and forms of learning are required for citizens to play a role in the development of increasingly digital, urban futures? To address this question, this paper adopts ethnographic methods to study the assumptions about learning and learning methods in a large, Europe-wide smart city project that aimed to include a component of citizen-led development. Our argument provides important messages for policy makers, technology companies and Smart City planners keen to include citizens in smart city development. It suggests that the current 'banking' models of learning adopted in relation to citizen participation are not fit for purpose and that a new model is needed. This needs to recognise citizen learning as being situated in different social and material contexts and embedded in unequal relations of power, knowledge and resources. We make the case for Smart City initiatives to offer city inhabitants diverse experiences of technologies through critical, creative learning processes that value the different knowledge that communities bring and that begin to address some of the social, economic and technical inequalities that constitute the contemporary Smart city.