This article argues that the relation between syntactic XPs and phonological phrases is subject to a constraint, WRAP-XP, that demands that each XP be contained in a phonological phrase. WRAP-XP is argued to interact with the constraints on edge alignment proposed by Selkirk (1986, 1995), with a constraint against recursive structure, and with a constraint aligning an edge of a focus with a phonological phrase. WRAP-XP is intended to replace, and improve on, an earlier proposal by Hale and Selkirk (1987) to the effect that lexical government plays a role in the syntax-prosody mapping. The languages discussed in more detail are Tohono O'odham, Kimatuumbi, and Chicheŵa.

Introduction Like Bierwisch 1980, Altmann 1987, Grewendorf and Zaefferer 1991, Wechsler 1991, Brandt, Reis, Rosengren and Zimmermann 1992, Lohnstein 2000, Gunlogson 2001, Zaefferer 2001 and much related work, the present paper contributes to sorting out the relation of syntactic properties of clauses (syntactic sentence types) to the ways in which the clauses can be used (illocutionary force, speech acts). The focus of this paper is on the role of movement of the finite verb to C (V-to-C).

This article is concerned with an interesting upstep phenomenon in the intonation of some speakers of Southern dialects of German. It experimentally establishes the main properties of this upstep phenomenon, and discusses the theoretical consequences. The upstep occurs on the nuclear pitch accent of a non-final intonation phrase. It targets the phonetic height of the utterance-initial peak, regardless of downstepped peaks that intervene between the initial peak and the upstepped peak. The findings are argued to provide unexpected support for a model of intonation in which downstep among accents can be embedded inside downstep among larger prosodic domains (Ladd 1988, van den Berg et al. 1992). In a combination of that model with an extension of Pierrehumbert & Beckman (1988), it is suggested that the choice between downstep and upstep is conditioned by association to higher prosodic constituents in a systematic way.

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In this paper, we argue that phonological phrasing in Brazilian Portuguese is determined by the interaction of right-alignment of syntactic and phonological phrases (Selkirk 1986) and a eurythmic factor of Uniformity (Ghini 1993), which prefers pphrases of equal prosodic length. The Uniformity requirement shows some unexpected properties. It is not tied to a preferred length of p-phrases, and it appears to be restricted to p-phrases overlapping with the subject and the verb of the clause. KEY-WORDS: Prosodic phonology; Stress retraction; Intonation; Phonology-syntax interface.RESUMO: Neste artigo, argumentamos que a formação de sintagmas fonológicos no português brasileiro é determinado pela interação de uma restrição de alinhamento à direita entre sintagmas fonológicos e sintáticos (Selkirk 1986) e de um fator eurítmico de Uniformidade (Ghini 1993), o qual prefere sintagmas fonológicos de tamanhos prosódicos idênticos. O princípio de uniformidade apresenta algumas propriedades não * Many thanks to our consultants Paulo de Sá Porto, Maria Bernadete Abaurre, Marcelo Barra Ferreira, Giovana Hirae, Luciani Tenani, and Maria Luiza Abaurre for their time and patience with the list of sentences (for some of them growing in size) we asked them to judge. We also thank FAPESP ( esperadas, uma vez que não é restrito a um tamanho ideal de sintagmas fornológicos, e parece estar restrito aos sintagmas fonológicos que equivalem ao sujeito e ao verbo de uma dada sentença PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Fonologia prosódica; Retração de acento; Entoação, Interface sintaxe-fonologia.