Upstep and embedded register levels

Truckenbrodt, Hubert

doi:10.1017/s095267570200427x

Cited by 134 publications

(74 citation statements)

References 54 publications

(122 reference statements)

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“…Previous researchers have observed that higher prosodic domains are signaled by higher initial rises [Cooper and Sorensen, 1981;Ladd, 1988Ladd, , 1990Selkirk, 2005;Selkirk et al, 2003;Truckenbrodt, 2002]. We have seen that IP-initial rises are larger than MaP-initial rises in Japanese ( § 4.5; fig.…”

Section: Initial Hs Initial Rises and Declinationsupporting

confidence: 50%

“…A number of previous works have shown that constituent initial rises -rises from L% to the following H -are cross-linguistically larger at IP edges than at MaP edges [Ladd, 1988[Ladd, , 1990Selkirk, 2005;Truckenbrodt, 2002]. If clause boundaries involve IP boundaries, then clause-initial rises should be larger than VP-initial rises, which coincide with MaP boundaries.…”

Section: Initial Rises In Ip-initial and Map-initial Positionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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The Intonation of Gapping and Coordination in Japanese: Evidence for Intonational Phrase and Utterance

Kawahara

Shinya

2008

Phonetica

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In previous studies of Japanese intonational phonology, levels of prosodic constituents above the Major Phrase have not received much attention. This paper argues that at least two prosodic levels exist above the Major Phrase in Japanese. Through a detailed investigation of the intonation of gapping and coordination in Japanese, we argue that each syntactic clause projects its own Intonational Phrase, while an entire sentence constitutes one Utterance. We show that the Intonational Phrase is characterized by tonal lowering, creakiness and a pause in final position, as well as a distinctive large initial rise and pitch reset at its beginning. The Utterance defines a domain of declination, and it is signaled by an even larger initial rise, as well as a phrasal H tone at its right edge. Building on our empirical findings, we discuss several implications for the theory of intonational phonology.

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Section: Initial Hs Initial Rises and Declinationsupporting

confidence: 50%

Section: Initial Rises In Ip-initial and Map-initial Positionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Intonation of Gapping and Coordination in Japanese: Evidence for Intonational Phrase and Utterance

Kawahara

Shinya

2008

Phonetica

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“…The pitch height of both H and L turning points falls steadily throughout the utterance, as observed also by Norlin (1989) and Rifaat (1991). We analyze this pattern as downstep within local register domains which reflect prosodic constituency, following Truckenbrodt (2002Truckenbrodt ( , 2004Truckenbrodt ( , 2007. In most declarative utterances the peak of the final pitch accent is realized much lower than would normally be expected from the preceding sequence.…”

Section: X42 the Intonational Phonology Of Ea X421 Main Ea Sentementioning

confidence: 99%

The intonation of Lebanese and Egyptian Arabic

Chahal¹,

Hellmuth²

2014

Prosodic Typology II

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In this chapter, we describe aspects of the prosody of two Arabic dialects which have been studied within the Autosegmental-Metrical (AM) framework, namely (Tripoli) Lebanese Arabic and (Cairene) Egyptian Arabic. We do not claim to provide a model for Arabic intonation in general, nor a model of Arabic dialectal intonational variation, since research in this field is still largely unexplored 1 . Instead, we outline our independent findings for Lebanese and Egyptian Arabic (based on Chahal (2001) and Hellmuth (2006b) respectively) and compare the results of this research wherever possible. We show that significant variation between Arabic varieties exists and needs to be taken into account in an overall intonational model of the language.The LA data reported on in this chapter illustrates the variety spoken in the Northern city of Tripoli as used by seven educated urban speakers. The LA corpus comprises read data obtained from two controlled experiments examining issues of tonal alignment, phonetic correlates of prominence and focus (totaling 2970 utterances) and quasi-natural data elicited from a map-task conversation (in line with the HCRC map- We wish to acknowledge our debt to the speakers of LA and EA who provided our speech recordings and to colleagues in the Phonetics Lab of the University of Melbourne and the University of York; we thank Sun-Ah Jun and an anonymous reviewer for comments on an earlier version of the manuscript; all errors are our own. Data excerpts from the CallHome Egyptian Arabic Speech Supplement (Karins et al 2002) are included on the accompanying CD by kind permission of the Linguistic Data Consortium, Philadelphia. The authors' names appear in alphabetical order.1 For a summary of broad literature findings on various Arabic dialects, see Chahal (2006 X.2 Metrical phonologyArabic is classified as a stress accent language 2 (McCarthy 1979;Watson 2002 To avoid this problem, for LA, Chahal (2001; identified three levels of prominence (by auditory analysis) in a corpus of broad and narrow focus utterances:lexically stressed but unaccented syllables, lexically stressed and accented syllables, and nuclear accents (defined as the last, most prominent accent in a phrase). In both focus conditions, and all else being equal, syllables at higher levels of prominence showed higher F0 and/or higher RMS values, and/or longer duration, and more peripheral F1 and F2 vowel formant characteristics than the lower level (ANOVA results significant at p<0.001). 7 By differentiating between phrasal (accents and nuclear accents) and word-level prominence (lexically stressed but unaccented 6 Cf. Beckman & Edwards (1994).7 Note that although F0 is found to be the main correlate of prominence level for narrow focus utterances, it is not so for broad focus utterances. This is due to the "flat hat" contours (t'Hart et al, The evidence to date therefore suggests that phrase-level prominence in LA and EA is cued by both melodic and dynamic correlates, as also reported for other dialects. This matches the typo...

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“…Information structure is rather a strong constraint on the realisation of prosodic structure (Calhoun, 2004a). Contrary to the assumption of ToBI, this structure is metrical, highly structured and linguistically relevant both within and across prosodic phrases (Ladd, 1996;Truckenbrodt, 2002).…”

Section: Information Structure and Prosodic Structurementioning

confidence: 77%

A framework for annotating information structure in discourse

Calhoun

Nissim

Steedman

et al. 2005

Proceedings of the Workshop on Frontiers in Corpus Annotations II Pie in the Sky - CorpusAnno '05

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We present a framework for the integrated analysis of the textual and prosodic characteristics of information structure in the Switchboard corpus of conversational English. Information structure describes the availability, organisation and salience of entities in a discourse model. We present standards for the annotation of information status (old, mediated and new), and give guidelines for annotating information structure, i.e. theme/rheme and background/kontrast. We show that information structure in English can only be analysed concurrently with prosodic prominence and phrasing. This annotation, using stand-off XML in NXT, can help establish standards for the annotation of information structure in discourse.

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Upstep and embedded register levels

Cited by 134 publications

References 54 publications

The Intonation of Gapping and Coordination in Japanese: Evidence for Intonational Phrase and Utterance

The Intonation of Gapping and Coordination in Japanese: Evidence for Intonational Phrase and Utterance

The intonation of Lebanese and Egyptian Arabic

A framework for annotating information structure in discourse

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