Despite a growing interest in how group membership can positively impact health, little research has addressed directly the role social identity processes can have on recovery from addiction. Drawing on social identity theory and self-categorization theory, the present study investigated how recovery group membership can introduce a new social identity associated with recovery, compared to the social identity associated with addiction. We hypothesized that two processes--evaluative differentiation and identity preference--would be linked with higher self-efficacy and positive health outcomes (i.e., reduced relapse, lower levels of appetitive behavior, and elevated feelings of social connectedness [Study 2]). Study 1 recruited members (N = 61) from United Kingdom based mutual aid groups of Alcoholics Anonymous and Narcotics Anonymous. Study 2 recruited ex-smokers (N = 81) from online sources. In Study 1, evaluative differentiation was significantly related to lowered relapse and reduced appetitive behavior. Identity preference was related to higher levels of self-efficacy, which was related to months drug-free and reduced levels of appetitive behaviors. In Study 2, evaluative differentiation was related to identity preference. Identity preference was also related to higher self-efficacy, which in turn was related to lower relapse. Although exploratory, these results suggest that developing a social identity as a "recovering addict" or an "ex-smoker" and subsequently highlighting the difference between such identities may be a useful strategy for reducing relapse among people with problems associated with addictive behaviors.

The present study showed it is possible to use a modified Stroop task as a measure of implicit processing of alcohol stimuli. Despite the fact that all participants were asked to ignore the words, they were unable to do so. Alcohol-related words produced more interference than neutral category words in a group of problem drinkers and a control group of high alcohol drinkers.

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A dual-process model of the alcohol-behavior link is presented, synthesizing 2 of the major social-cognitive approaches: expectancy and myopia theories. Substantial evidence has accrued to support both of these models, and recent neurocognitive models of the effects of alcohol on thought and behavior have provided evidence to support both as well. While proponents of these theories have not suggested that they are mutually exclusive views on how alcohol affects behavior, attempts to synthesize the 2 have been conspicuously absent. The dual-process model presented suggests that the alcohol-behavior link is better reconceptualized as involving a "preconsumption" and a "consumption" phase. This is achieved in the context of contemporary models of automaticity in social behavior, emphasizing the commonality of both controlled and automatic processes in drinking-related behavior. It is argued that a complete understanding of the alcohol-behavior link requires an appreciation of the ways in which the mind may become "intoxicated" even in the absence of alcohol consumption. Suggestions for further research in this area, testing the present dual-process model of the alcohol-behavior link, are also discussed.

In the first phase of a prospective investigation, a national sample of motorcyclists completed a postal questionnaire about their perceptions of risk, their behaviour on the roads and their history of accidents and spills. In the second phase a year later, they reported on their accident history and behaviour over the preceding 12 months. A total of 723 respondents completed both questionnaires. Four sets of findings are reported. First, the group as a whole showed unrealistic optimism: on average, respondents believed themselves to be less at risk than other motorcyclists of an accident needing hospital treatment in the next year. Second, optimism was tempered by 'relative realism', in that respondents who were young and inexperienced saw themselves as more at risk than other motorcyclists, as did riders who reported risky behaviours on the road. Third, there was some evidence of debiasing by personal history, in that having a friend or a relative who had been killed or injured on the roads was associated with perceptions of absolute risk of injury or death--though there were no effects on comparative risk and no effects on any of the judgments of a history of accidents of one's own. Finally, there was good evidence that perceptions of risk predicted subsequent behaviour, though generally in the direction not of precaution adoption but of precaution abandonment: the greater the perceived risk at time 1, the more frequent the risky behaviour at time 2. The implications of the findings are discussed, and possible interpretations are suggested.