In August 2011 the Turkish prime minister Tayyib Erdoğan arrived in Somalia with a substantial delegation consisting of his family, ministers, and civil society activists, along with Turkish celebrities, to highlight the need for greater famine relief. In Mogadishu, Erdoğan declared that the tragedy of Somalia is a test of civilization and contemporary values. 1 For any long-term observer of Turkish interest in Africa, this visit seemed natural-an upshot of Turkey's aspiration to become a regional power that "displays a superiority in terms of power capabilities and exerts influence on shaping the regional order." 2 Turkey's interest in becoming a regional power in Africa and its

This article explores the link between populism and hierarchies in international relations by examining the recent foreign policy-making in Turkey and Hungary—two countries run by populist leaders. We argue that when populists bring populism into foreign policy, they do so by contesting the “corrupt elites” of the international order and, simultaneously, attempt to create the “pure people” transnationally. The populists contest the “eliteness” and leadership status of these “elites” and the international order and its institutions, that is, the “establishment,” that these “elites” have come to represent by challenging them both in discourse and in action. The creation of the “pure people” happens by discursively demarcating the “underprivileged” of the international order as a subcategory based on religion and supplementing them with aid, thus mimicking the distributive strategies of populism, this time at the international level. We illustrate that when populist leaders, insert populism into foreign policies of their respective states, through contesting the “corrupt elites” and creating the “pure people,” the built-in vertical stratification mechanisms of populism that stems from the antagonistic binaries inherent to populism provide them with the necessary superiority and inferiority labels allowing them to renegotiate hierarchies in the international system in an attempt to modify the existing ones or to create new ones.

1990’larda kurulan yeni dünya düzeninin iki temel unsuru liberal ekonomi ve demokrasi olmuştur. Bu makale, neo-liberal politikaların geleneksel ve otoriter siyasi yapılar üzerindeki etkisini KİK ülkeleri olan Katar ve Birleşik Arap Emirlikleri (BAE) örnekleri üzerinden incelemeyi hedeflemektedir. Dinin ve aşiret geleneğinin siyasi yönetimde hala etkin olduğu monarşiyle yönetilen bu iki ülke ‘’otoriter’’ rejimlerin incelenmesi için uygun örneklerdir. Katar ve BAE petrol ve gaz gelirleri ile dünya piyasalarına eklemlenip zenginleşirken bu süreçte bir takım siyasi açılımlarla liberalleşmeyi kısmen deneyimlemişlerdir. Ancak bu liberalleşme adımları siyasi yapıda gerçek bir dönüşüme ve demokratikleşmeye yol açmamıştır. Bu çalışmanın amacı ekonomik liberalleşmenin tezahürü olan küresel piyasalar ile ticari ve finansal anlamda derin bir entegrasyona rağmen, otoriter yönetim şekillerinin ciddi siyasi değişimlere uğramamasının nedenlerini bu iki ülke üzerinden incelemektir. Çalışma, KİK ülkelerinin serbest ticaret ve finansal liberalizm üzerinden tanımladıkları piyasa ekonomisi modeline tüketim kültürünü de eklemleyerek vatandaşlarını ve küresel aktörleri ortak bir paydada buluşturma başarılarının otoriter siyasi yapının sürekliliğini sağlamada önemli bir rol oynadığını öne sürmektedir. Makalede tartışılacağı üzere neoliberal politikalar sonucu ortaya çıkan yüksek ekonomik refah ve tüketim özgürlüğü, bu toplumların otoriter devlet yönetiminin meşruluğunu sorgulamasını ve bu ülkelerdeki siyasi değişiminin derinleşmesini engellemiştir. Bu makale Katar ve BAE örneklerini inceleyerek, neoliberalizmin otoriter rejimler ile nasıl birlikte var olabildiğini gösterirken, KİK monarşilerinin siyasi liberalleşme deneyimlerinin neden derinleşmediğini ve bir takım açılımlara rağmen bu ülkelerdeki yönetimlerin nüfus üzerindeki güçlerini nasıl pekiştirebildiklerini tartışarak Ortadoğu çalışmaları literatürüne katkı sağlamayı hedeflemektedir.

Over the last half-century, modern societies have been experiencing a drastic social, cultural, and economic transformation. The change in the behaviors and habits of consumers under the strong impact of neoliberalism demonstrates the close relationship between economy and social psychology. Globalized neo-liberalization has become an unavoidable, powerful force that impacts all elements of social, cultural, and economic life and defines people's identities and their consumption preferences. This chapter addresses the link between neoliberalism and consumer behavior, with a focus on non-Western societies. It examines if there is a contradiction between the features of consumer culture and the prevailing domestic culture in these societies. Many scholars associate consumer culture with Western societies, but the authors argue that consumer culture has become a significant phenomenon even in the most religiously conservative, non-Western societies. By taking Dubai in the UAE as the case study, this chapter demonstrates how consumer culture helps redefine culture and self-identity. The chapter concludes by arguing that since individual behavior is not rational, individuals' needs are defined by the dictates of consumer culture across the globe in neoliberal times.

This article examines the underpinnings of central bank (CB) reform in Turkey, with a focus on the role of external anchors, namely the European Union (EU) and the International Monetary Fund. It argues that although international actors played a substantial role in triggering CB reform in 2001, they failed to determine its parameters. The high costs of CB reform in the calculations of the ruling politicians allowed the Central Bank of the Republic of Turkey to gain partial operational autonomy, which fell short of fulfilling the Copenhagen criteria for accession to the EU. This article ends by arguing that due to the duration of high costs, the Bank continues to hold partial autonomy today.