El objetivo de la presente investigación es identificar y sistematizar los marcos conceptuales a través de los cuales las participantes de la lista de correos [ciberfeministaslatam] le dan sentido a su práctica ciberfeminista. Para ello realizamos una serie de entrevistas en profundidad con activistas ciberfeministas que participan de la lista de correos [ciberfeministaslatam]. Las ciberfeministas latinoamericanas entienden que su activismo es una manera de ver la vida, un posicionamiento político desde el cual pensar y actuar. Uno de los marcos conceptuales más fuertes en el plano de la agencia es el de la noción de que el mundo tecnológico y sus espacios deben ser ocupados. La ocupación es entendida como una estrategia política de disputa por el poder simbólico del rol de las mujeres tanto en el ciberespacio como en los espacios de socialización tecnológica. Podemos hablar de la existencia de un movimiento ciberfeminista latinoamericano porque cumple con las características que los nuevos movimientos sociales autónomos adoptan en la era digital: desde la organización horizontal en redes difusas que adoptan prácticas de política contenciosa como acciones directas creativas o la creación de imaginarios radicales, hasta el uso intensivo de TIC, como medio y como objeto de crítica y transformación.
How does a social movement sound? And how does the sonic memory of a Feminist Strike rumble in the heads of women and LGTBQI+ activists who occupied the streets on March 8th last year? The present article is an attempt to build up a story of the feminist radio initiative Radio 8M, which a group of media activists from the autonomous feminist movement in Madrid set up to cover live the events of the second Feminist Strike that took place on 8 March 2019. The March 8th Commission is a platform that brings together independent feminist activists to organise International Women's Day activities and demonstrations. It works at a regional level with different general assemblies and working groups that coordinate at a country level through national meetings. Although this Commission has been gathering for decades and has had a wide repertoire of contention and has made several advancements, the actions called for in the past two years (2018 and 2019) grew exponentially in number and reach. What was innovative about them? On the one hand, the Commission called for a Feminist Strike in four fields of action that would draw attention to structural violence and inequalities. This included a labour strike, a caring strike, an educational strike and a consumption strike. This action, which was inspired by the strike carried out by Icelandic women in the 1970s, was so disruptive that every actor in the public sphere-the political class, unions, media, etc.-were unexpectedly shaken. On the other hand, the specific instance of a highly publicised gang rape trial in Spain called 'La Manada' caused high levels of outrage among the population-especially women-who mobilised to participate in the Feminist Strike and the demonstration on March 8th. Both Feminist Strikes were incredibly challenging and demanding for all of us taking part in their organisation. The complexity of the action demanded a complicated and painstaking organisational structure. For instance, in 2018, Madrid's March 8th Commission started with just four working groups 958646F ER0010.
Social protest takes on new characteristics today, mediated by the use and appropriation of digital technologies. Citizens make use of devices as a central part of the mechanics of the protest, incorporating digital strategies into their repertoire of collective action. One of these uses highlights the centrality of the new screens for the defense of Human Rights, through the recording, publication and spreading the abuses of repressive forces and the montage of fake news through social media. A citizen's capacity to watch over the watcher. Due to its duration and characteristics, the case of the protests that began in October 2019 in Chile is a paradigmatic case from which to study these transformations.
La Cumbre Mundial de la Sociedad de la Información (CMSI) fue el primer proceso de múltiples partes interesadas (multi-stakeholder) en el que Estados, empresas y sociedad civil sentaron las bases conceptuales sobre las cuales se configuró la llamada Sociedad de la Información. Las limitaciones de un proceso de estas características dieron como resultado una serie de acuerdos sobre consensos mínimos en los que primó una visión liberal de dicha sociedad. El presente recorrido tiene como objetivo identificar y sistematizar los análisis y discusiones académicos alrededor de la Cumbre Mundial de la Sociedad de la Información, haciendo particular énfasis en aquellos que se centran en la participación de la sociedad civil y sus posibilidades de instalar la agenda de género y Tecnologías de la Información y la Comunicación.
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