Summary The methods of formal taxonomy have not been very satisfactory for the classification of cultivated plants. As a result, the people who deal with cultivated plants the most have developed their own informal and intuitive classifications based on experience as to what constitutes useful groupings. An attempt is made to provide a framework in which both systems can operate with a minimum of confusion. The structure of the total available gene pool is characterized by assigning taxa to primary, secondary and tertiary gene pools. At the infraspecific level, cultivars are grouped into races and subraces in an informal way without rigid rules for the use of terms.
If we accept the evidence at face value, we are led to conclude that emmer was probably domesticated in the upper Jordan watershed and that einkorn was domesticated in southeast Turkey. Barley could have been domesticated almost anywhere within the arc bordering the fertile crescent. All three cereals may well have been harvested in the wild state throughout their regions of adaptation long before actual farming began. The primary habitats for barley, however, are not the same as those for the wheats. Wild barley is more xerophytic and extends farther downslope and into the steppes and deserts along the wadis. It seems likely that, while all three early cereals were domesticated within an are flanking the fertile crescent, each was domesticated in a different subregion of the zone. Lest anyone should be led to think the problem is solved, we wish to close with a caveat. Domestication may not have taken place where the wild cereals were most abundant. Why should anyone cultivate a cereal where natural stands are as dense as a cultivated field? If wild cereal grasses can be harvested in unlimited quantities, why should anyone bother to till the soil and plant the seed? We suspect that we shall find, when the full story is unfolded, that here and there harvesting of wild cereals lingered on long after some people had learned to farm, and that farming itself may have orig inated in areas adjacent to, rather than in, the regions of greatest abundance of wild cereals. We need far more specific information on the climate during incipient domestication and many more carefully conducted excavations of sites in the appropriate time range. The problem is far from solved, but some knowledge of the present distribution of the wild forms should be helpful.
The simplified classification presented for Sorghum bicolor (Linn.) Moencihs is so easy that it requires no special knowledge of the crop to correctly identify mature heads and spikelets. Variation is partitioned into five basic races (bicolor, guinea, caudatum, kafir, and durra) and all combinations of their hybrid derivatives, for a total of 15 races. Intermediate races are designated, for example, as kafir‐caudatum, durra‐bicolor, etc. Subraces are the commonly used agronomic groups (feterita, kaura, sorgo, sudangrass, etc.) familiar to sorghum workers. None of these requires a formal Latin name.
I propose the theory that agriculture originated independently in three different areas and that, in each case, there was a system composed of a center of origin and a noncenter, in which activities of domestication were dispersed over a span of 5,000 to 10,000 kilometers. One system includes a definable Near East center and a noncenter in Africa; another system includes a North Chinese center and a noncenter in Southeast Asia and the South Pacific; the third system includes a Mesoamerican center and a South American noncenter. There are suggestions that, in each case, the center and noncenter interact with each other. Crops did not necessarily originate in centers (in any conventional concept of the term), nor did agriculture necessarily develop in a geographical "center."
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