In this study, the effect of articulation rate and speaking style on the perceived speech rate is investigated. The articulation rate is measured both in terms of the intended phones, i.e., phones present in the assumed canonical form, and as the number of actual, realized phones per second. The combination of these measures reflects the deletion of phones, which is related to speaking style. The effect of the two rate measures on the perceived speech rate is compared in two listening experiments on the basis of a set of intonation phrases with carefully balanced intended and realized phone rates, selected from a German database of spontaneous speech. Because the balance between input-oriented (effort) and output-oriented (communicative) constraints may be different at fast versus slow speech rates, the effect of articulation rate is compared both for fast and for slow phrases from the database. The effect of the listeners' own speaking habits is also investigated to evaluate if listeners' perception is based on a projection of their own behavior as a speaker. It is shown that listener judgments reflect both the intended and realized phone rates, and that their judgments are independent of the constraint balance and their own speaking habits.
In a production study, Bulgarian, English and German verses with regular poetic metrical metres of different types and elicited prose utterances with varied accentual patterns are produced in textual and iterative (dada) form and measured at syllable level according to the pairwise variability index (PVI) principle. Systematic differences in PVI values show that the measure is sensitive to metrical differences. But variations for utterances with the same metrical structure and comparable measures for accentually different utterances show the measure to be insensitive to the temporal distribution of accents. A perceptual experiment with Bulgarian, English and German subjects confirms the hypothesis that the perceived strength of rhythmicity in a line of verse is determined not only by its temporal structure, but also by other acoustic properties, most clearly by F₀ change within the metrical foot.
This paper investigates the realization of word-final /t/ in conversational standard Dutch. First, based on a large number of word tokens (6747) annotated with broad phonetic transcription by an automatic transcription tool, we show that morphological properties of the words and their position in the utterance's syntactic structure play a role for the presence versus absence of their final /t/. We also replicate earlier findings on the role of predictability (word frequency and bigram frequency with the following word) and provide a detailed analysis of the role of segmental context. Second, we analyze the detailed acoustic properties of word-final /t/ on the basis of a smaller number of tokens (486) which were annotated manually. Our data show that word and bigram frequency as well as segmental context also predict the presence of sub-phonemic properties. The investigations presented in this paper extend research on the realization of /t/ in spontaneous speech and have potential consequences for psycholinguistic models of speech production and perception as well as for automatic speech recognition systems
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