People prefer to make changeable decisions rather than unchangeable decisions because they do not realize that they may be more satisfied with the latter. Photography students believed that having the opportunity to change their minds about which prints to keep would not influence their liking of the prints. However, those who had the opportunity to change their minds liked their prints less than those who did not (Study 1). Although the opportunity to change their minds impaired the postdecisional processes that normally promote satisfaction (Study 2a), most participants wanted to have that opportunity (Study 2b). The results demonstrate that errors in affective forecasting can lead people to behave in ways that do not optimize their happiness and well-being.

W e propose that the temporal dimension is fragile in that choices are insufficiently sensitive to it, and second, such sensitivity as exists is exceptionally malleable, unlike other dimensions such as money, which are attended by default. To test this, we axiomatize a "constant-sensitivity" discount function, and in four studies, we show that the degree of time-sensitivity is inadequate relative to the compound discounting norm, and strongly susceptible to manipulation. Time-sensitivity is increased by a comparative within-subject presentation (Experiment 1), direct instruction (Experiment 3), and provision of a visual cue for time duration (Experiment 4); time-sensitivity is decreased using a time pressure manipulation (Experiment 2). In each study, the sensitivity manipulation has an opposite effect on near-future and far-future valuations: Increased sensitivity decreases discounting in the near future and increases discounting in the far future. In contrast, such sensitivity manipulations have little effect on the money dimension.

Older adults constitute a rapidly growing demographic segment, but stereotypes persist about their consumer behavior. Thus, a more considered understanding of age-associated changes in decision making and choices is required. Our underlying theoretical model suggests that ageassociated changes in cognition, affect, and goals interact to differentiate older consumers' decision-making processes, brand choices, and habits from those of younger adults. We first review literature on stereotypes about the elderly and then turn to an analysis of age differences in the inputs (cognition, affect, and goals) and outputs (decisions, brand choices, and habits) of the choice process.Keywords: older consumers, decision making, choice 2 Older consumers represent an increasingly large and financially powerful part of the population worldwide. We propose that age-associated changes in cognition, affect, and goals intermingle to influence older consumers' decision-making processes and choices and thus distinguish these processes as different from those used by younger adults. This review attempts to achieve a more considered understanding of age differences in the inputs (cognition, affect, and goals) and outputs (decisions, brand choices, and habits) of choice processes. For example, extant literature focuses largely on the ways in which one input (e.g., memory) affects a single output (e.g., brand choice). We organize the review around stereotypes, inputs, outputs, and further research, but we expressly highlight the complex interrelationships among these concepts. StereotypesSection Author: Michael I. Norton People tend to possess stereotypical views of the elderly, regarding them as kindly, warm, and friendly but simultaneously incompetent, ineffective, and helpless (Fiske, Cuddy, Glick, and Xu, 2002)-beliefs that are evident across cultures (Cuddy, Norton, and Fiske, 2005). Marketers take a similar view of the elderly, imagining them as a homogenous group that differs qualitatively from younger consumers in both abilities and preferences. Just as media stereotypically portray the elderly (Vasil and Wass, 1993), marketers tend to portray them similarly in advertisements (McConatha, Schnell, and McKenna, 1999). Marketing scholars and practitioners routinely group the elderly into one catch-all category of persons 65 years of age and older, which may include as much as a 40-year span because of increases in longevity (i.e., grouping consumers aged 65 years with those older than 100 years). Such a broad grouping for a different cohort, say from 10 to 50 years of age, would seem ridiculous and demonstrates the 2 heterogeneity in preferences and needs within such a wide grouping. Even if fewer preference changes occur in later life, the heterogeneity in preferences, needs, and wants among consumers aged 65 to 100 years are likely considerable.Furthermore, despite the substantial overlap in abilities, preferences, and goals between older and younger consumers, substantial differences also mark them. For example, the elder...

Objective: A common barrier to exercise is a perceived lack of time. The current pilot study examined the effects of an implementation intention intervention to enhance exercise self-efficacy, increase confidence to exercise when facing time constraints, and increase physical activity in middle-aged adults (n=63, aged 35-69).Design: Participants received a pedometer (Fitbit) to objectively measure activity and were randomly assigned to either a control or intervention condition. After a one-week baseline, the intervention condition received instructions to plan how, where, and when they would add steps to their daily routine to meet their step goal, using personalized schedules and maps. Both groups were contacted nightly via email.Main Outcome Measures: Physical activity (steps and time spent in moderate-to-vigorous activity), goal achievement, exercise self-efficacy, time-relevant exercise self-efficacy, and affect.Results: Compared to the control, the intervention condition significantly increased in steps, time spent in moderate-to-vigorous activity, and time-relevant exercise self-efficacy. Goal achievement was related to greater time-relevant exercise self-efficacy and more positive affect at the daily level. Conclusion:Findings suggest that the personalized planning intervention increased physical activity and confidence in achieving physical activity goals under time constraints. Avenues for future directions, especially for producing more sustained effects, are discussed.

No abstract