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Downloaded fromRecent developments have heightened interest in understanding the science-technology interface. The increased rate of turnover in new knowledge and the diminishing distinction between what has been thought of as &dquo;basic&dquo; and &dquo;applied&dquo; research have changed conceptions of how science and technology develop and interact.4 Moreover, the internationalization of global markets, the growing importance of science and technology to national competitiveness, the increased cost of performing leading-edge research in certain fields, and the relative scarcity of resources for science have put pressure on the environment for research funding. The pressure is to view research funding as investment and to concentrate on what is now commonly referred to in science policy circles as &dquo;enabling&dquo; or &dquo;strategic&dquo; science. The concept of &dquo;strategic&dquo; science is already embedded in the language of science policy discussions. Consider the following statement from a 1987 U.S. National Science Foundation (NSF) document:That certain areas of basic research are &dquo;strategic science&dquo; has considerable implications for the establishment of government R&D priorities. If early identification of promising areas of strategic science is possible, targeted support by government can increase future economic and technological benefits. 5 Yet there has been relatively little detailed consideration of the nature of &dquo;strategic&dquo; science; how it might be identified and pursued; or what the implications are of pursuing it, for the institution of science, for the research system, and for the society.6 6 Within the context of these complex issues, the objectives of this study were modest and exploratory. Most generally, the objective was to investigate what might be learned about the science-technology interface by combining two sets of quantitative data. An attempt was made to identify and characterize the nexus between science-to the extent that it is represented by a literature-based &dquo;model&dquo; of the research front-and related technical applications-to the extent they are represented by a complementary body of patents. This was done by &dquo;matching&dquo; patent data to scientific literature data from a co-citation model. (Co-citation modeling is explained in the &dquo;Data Sources and Methodology&dquo; section.) &dquo;Intersects&dquo; between the two data sets-indicated mainly by matching patent inventors and paper authorswere used to characterize two types of research topic areas defined by the literature-based model: those with few or no patent intersects and those with many patent intersects. The former group was taken to represent science that has not been technologically applied, and the latter to represent science that has been.

We need a transformation in welfare provision, but even more important are measures to tackle the underlying causes of inequality.O ver sixty years we have grown accustomed to benefits and services provided by the welfare state. All the while, the volume of provision has expanded exponentially, driven by a growing and ageing population, by rising public expectations, and in some cases, notably healthcare, by scientific advances and by supply driving up demand.

PRIOR TO THE MIDDLE of the nineteenth century, Europeans had heard of Buddhism, if at all, as an aside in tales of the exotic Orient in which the Buddha figured as a minor Hindu deity or a celestial sun god. Eastern thought had trickled back toward the seats of Western empires for centuries along the same routes used for tea and opium, but serious engagement with that thought only began in the late eighteenth century with translations of the Bhagavadgita, and systematic study of Eastern sacred texts did not begin in France, Germany, and England until around the 1820s.I draw here and throughout on a number of historical studies, in particular Almond, Batchelor, Lopez, and Welbon. As Almond notes, it was only in the first half of the century “that the term ‘Buddha’ (‘Buddoo’, ‘Bouddha’, ‘Boudhou’, etc.) began to gain currency… and that the term ‘Buddhism’ first made its appearance in English in the scholarly journals which appeared, in part at least, as a consequence of the developing imperial interest of both England and France in the Orient“ (7). The first English study of Buddhism that I have found is Upham (1829). As late as the 1860s, but rapidly at that point, Buddhism “hit” Europe, becoming a wide-spread topic that peaked in London's “Buddhism-steeped Nineties” and then declined after the turn of the century (Caracciolo 30).This claim is supported by the fact that a search of the PCI (Periodicals Content Index) database for articles published with “Buddha” or “Buddhism” in the title reveals this pattern: 3 in the period 1840–50; 0 in 1851–60; 13 in 1861–70; 74 in 1871–80; 148 in 1881–90; 367 in 1891–1900; 287 in 1901–10; and 243 in 1911–20. One indicator of burgeoning British interest was the publication in the last three decades of the century of at least three book-length poems recounting the life of Buddha. In particular, Edwin Arnold's The Light of Asia. Being The Life and Teaching of Gautama, Prince of India and Founder of Büddhism (1879) became a best-seller in Europe, India, and America and was credited with inspiring conversions to Buddhism, as well as with influencing Rudyard Kipling's creation of the character of the Teshoo Lama in Kim (1901).The other two poems I refer to are Philips's The Story of Gautama Buddha and his Creed: An Epic (1871) and Alexander's Sakya-Muni: The Story of Buddha (1887), which was the Newdigate Prize poem at Oxford in 1887. The most famous conversion attributed to reading The Light of Asia was of Charles Bennett, who in 1901 became Ananda Metteyya, the first British Buddhist monk. As Humphreys puts it in The Development of Buddhism in England, Bennett, “like many before him and untold thousands since, found that a new world of spiritual adventure was opened before his eyes” by The Light of Asia (13). On Arnold's influence on Kipling, see Whitlark “Nineteenth-Century ‘Nirvana Talk’.” The initial premise of this essay is that through the latter decades of the century themes and figures drawn in part or whole from Buddhism increasingly made their way into British literary di...

She is interested in how spaces and bodies are racialised, gendered and classed, and is particularly concerned with how spatial and stereotypical bodily imaginations are both sedimented and disrupted. Nirmal.Puwar@northampto.ac.uk.