Two studies tested the hypothesis that in judging people's emotions from their facial expressions, Japanese, more than Westerners, incorporate information from the social context. In Study 1, participants viewed cartoons depicting a happy, sad, angry, or neutral person surrounded by other people expressing the same emotion as the central person or a different one. The surrounding people's emotions influenced Japanese but not Westerners' perceptions of the central person. These differences reflect differences in attention, as indicated by eye-tracking data (Study 2): Japanese looked at the surrounding people more than did Westerners. Previous findings on East-West differences in contextual sensitivity generalize to social contexts, suggesting that Westerners see emotions as individual feelings, whereas Japanese see them as inseparable from the feelings of the group.

The authors propose that cultural frame shifting—shifting between two culturally based interpretative lenses in response to cultural cues—is moderated by perceived compatibility (vs. opposition) between the two cultural orientations, or bicultural identity integration (BII). Three studies found that Chinese American biculturals who perceived their cultural identities as compatible (high BII) responded in culturally congruent ways to cultural cues: They made more external attributions (a characteristically Asian behavior) after being exposed to Chinese primes and more internal attributions (a characteristically Western behavior) after being exposed to American primes. However, Chinese American biculturals who perceived their cultural identities as oppositional (low BII) exhibited a reverse priming effect. This trend was not apparent for noncultural primes. The results show that individual differences in bicultural identity affect how cultural knowledge is used to interpret social events.

This exploratory study's findings support the need for measures reflecting the complexity of childbearing African-American women's racism experiences. In addition to discrete, interpersonal experiences across multiple domains and active/passive responses, which have been measured, birth outcomes research should also measure women's childhood experiences and their potentially enduring impact, perceptions of institutionalized racism and internalized negative stereotypes, vicarious experiences related to their children, vigilance in anticipating future racism events, as well as the pervasiveness and chronicity of racism exposure, all of which could be sources of ongoing stress with potentially serious implications for birth outcomes. Measures of racism addressing these issues should be developed and formally tested.

This paper examines how age at immigration influences the association between adult subjective social status and mental health outcomes. The age when people immigrate shapes the capacity and efficiency at which they learn and use a new language, the opportunities to meet and socialize with a wide range of people, and respond to healthy or stressful environments. We hypothesize that adult subjective social status will be more predictive of health outcomes among immigrants who arrive in the US in mid- to late-adulthood compared with immigrants who arrive earlier. To investigate this hypothesis, data on immigrants are drawn from the US first national survey of mental health among Asian Americans (N=1451). Logistic regression is used to estimate the relationships between adult subjective social status and mood dysfunction, a composite of anxiety and affective disorder symptoms. As predicted, age at immigration moderated the relationship between adult subjective social status and mood dysfunction. Adult subjective social status was related to health among immigrants arriving when they were 25 years and older, but there was no association between subjective social status and mental health among immigrants arriving before the age of 25 years.