Edwin Sutherland introduced the term “white‐collar crime” in his 1939 American Sociological Association presidential address in which he argued that criminologists should focus attention on the illegal behaviors of professionals. He further expounded upon the concept of white‐collar crime in his seminal criminology text, where he defined white‐collar crime as illegal behaviors committed by respectable professionals in positions of power and high social status. While some scholars argue that women's increased labor force participation closed the gender gap in white‐collar offending, others maintain that the crimes committed by women in the workplace tend to be low‐level embezzlement offenses and low‐level fraud committed by low‐ranking personnel. Therefore, these low‐level offenses typically perpetrated by women tend to be outside the purview of Sutherland's definition of white‐collar crime, creating gendered distinctions between white‐collar crime and “pink‐collar” crime. Blocked economic opportunities, through gendered labor market segmentation and the exclusion of women from informal work networks, shape women's participation in white‐collar crimes. Additionally, gendered focal concerns, risk preferences, and responses to workplace stress influence gendered differences in motivation and rationalizations for white‐collar and pink‐collar crimes.

On the morning of April 24, 2013, Rana Plaza, an eight‐story building housing five garment factories collapsed killing 1,129 workers and injuring 2,500. It quickly emerged that U.S.‐ and European‐based retailers were sourcing items produced at Rana Plaza. This paper takes the Rana Plaza collapse as a case study of how media discourse constructs ideas about corporate deviance, responsibility, and risk management in the global supply chain. Guided by the crime news frame and global risk governance, newspaper articles from the U.S. and Bangladesh are used for a content analysis. This paper expands the literature of corporate crime and global risk governance to include the fast fashion industry. We find little evidence that either country discusses Rana Plaza as corporate deviance or the criminal condemnation of corporations. We find evidence that global risk governance is nationalized, as U.S. papers shift blame away from U.S. corporations and onto Bangladesh.

Objective: We assess Matsueda’s reflected appraisals model of delinquency across groups of previously delinquent and nondelinquent adolescents. We hypothesize that the reflected appraisals process, which entails incorporating informal appraisals by significant others into self-identities, differs across delinquent and nondelinquent adolescents. Method: We estimate cross-group models of the reflected appraisals process among delinquent and nondelinquent adolescents using the data (National Youth Survey) and methodology (structural equation modeling) from Matsueda’s original research. Results: The informal labeling and identity processes articulated in the reflected appraisals model better explain delinquency continuity than delinquency onset. Notable differences across previously delinquent and nondelinquent groups are found with respect to the influence of parental appraisals on reflected appraisals and with respect to the influence of race on parental and reflected appraisals. Conclusions: Informal labeling predicts both continuity and onset of delinquency. Continuity results from delinquent adolescents incorporating troublemaking appraisals into their self-identities and living up to those labels. Identity processes prove unimportant for linking troublemaking appraisals to delinquency among falsely appraised adolescents. Future research is needed to assess the possibility that false appraisals produce delinquency through processes articulated in general strain and defiance theories. We also discuss avenues for future research on race, identities, and delinquency.

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