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Purpose: Despite escalating racism in the United States during COVID-19, few studies have identified correlates of racism experience among Americans using nationally representative data. This study seeks to quantitatively identify correlates of racism experience and qualitatively categorize racism experience and its coping using nationally representative survey data. Methods: Based on data from the “Health, Ethnicity and Pandemic Survey” ( N =2,506), a nationally representative survey conducted in October 2020, multivariable logistic regression was estimated to examine the association between self-reported racism experience and selected correlates. Thematic analysis was conducted to qualitatively classify types of racism experience and related coping strategies. Results: When asked whether they had been discriminated or unfairly treated during COVID-19 because of their racial/ethnic background, 19% non-Hispanic Asian and Black respondents said yes, followed by 15% among Hispanics and 3% among non-Hispanic Whites. Besides significant correlates of racism experience identified at the individual and household level, three contextual factors at the neighborhood or state level were associated with lower odds of racism experience, including living in a blue state (adjusted odds ratio [AOR]=0.69, 95% confidence interval [CI]: 0.50–0.95; reference category: red state), living in the top third of the neighborhoods in the sample in terms of racial diversity (AOR=0.65%, 95% CI: 0.42–0.99; reference: bottom third), and coming from neighborhoods with a median population age of 35–39 (AOR=0.67, 95% CI: 0.46–0.98; reference: younger than 35). Prevailing coping strategies against experienced racism included social avoidance, direct confrontation, seeking social and religious support, resorting to hobbies for relief, and taking legal actions. Conclusion: Racism experience is not only correlated with factors at individual level, it is also associated with contextual factors such as political climate, neighborhood diversity, and population age structure. Future efforts in supporting victims of racism might be more cost-effective by focusing on the identified vulnerable groups and related contextual factors.

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Objectives: While the Community Health Worker (CHW) workforce in the United States has been growing, so far only 19 states certify CHWs. This study sought to identify perspectives on CHW certification among stakeholders in Nebraska, a state that has not established official certification for CHWs yet. Design: A concurrent triangulation mixed methods design. Sample: Study data came from a survey of 142 CHWs in Nebraska and interviews with 8 key informants employing CHWs conducted in 2019. Methods: Logistic regression was used to identify significant factors associated with favoring CHW certification, supplemented by thematic analysis of qualitative data from CHWs and key informants. Results: The majority (84%) of CHWs were in favor of a statewide CHW certification in Nebraska, citing community benefits, workforce validation, and standardization of knowledge as the main reasons. Participant characteristics associated with favoring CHW certification included younger age, racial minority, foreign born, education lower than bachelor's degree, volunteering as a CHW, and employed for less than 5 years as a CHW. Key informants employing CHWs were divided in whether Nebraska should develop a state certification program. Conclusions: While most CHWs in Nebraska wanted to have a statewide certification program, employers of CHWs were less sure of the need for certification. K E Y W O R D S certification, community health, community health workers, health workforce INTRODUCTIONCommunity Health Workers (CHWs) are individuals from the community who have been trained to help fellow community members improve their access to health services, change health behaviors, and reduce health disparities (Katigbak et al., 2015;Sabo et al., 2013).