There are no gender differences in depression rates in prepubescent children, but, after the age of 15, girls and women are about twice as likely to be depressed as boys and men. In this article, three models for how gender differences in depression might develop in early adolescence are described and evaluated. According to Model 1, the causes of depression are the same for girls and boys, but these causes become more prevalent in girls than in boys in early adolescence. According to Model 2, there are different causes of depression in girls and boys, and the causes of girls' depression become more prevalent than the causes of boys' depression in early adolescence. According to Model 3, girls are more likely than boys to carry risk factors for depression even before early adolescence, but these risk factors lead to depression only in the face of challenges that increase in prevalence in early adolescence. Most studies of gender differences in depression have focused on the effects of individual variables on depression in girls and boys rather than on testing models of how these differences develop. Evidence for the variables most commonly thought to contribute to gender differences in depression in children and adolescents is reviewed, and this evidence is related to the three models for how these differences develop. It is concluded that Model 3 is best supported by the available data, although much more research is needed. Before adolescence, girls appear to develop more risk factors for depression than boys; girls also apparently face more new challenges in early adolescence than boys. It is argued that these factors combine, as specified in Model 3, to generate gender differences in depression beginning in early adolescence.
A 5-year longitudinal study investigated the interrelationships among children's experiences of depressive symptoms, negative life events, explanatory style, and helplessness behaviors in social and achievement situations. The results revealed that early in childhood, negative events, but not explanatory style, predicted depressive symptoms; later in childhood, a pessimistic explanatory style emerged as a significant predictor of depressive symptoms, alone and in conjunction with negative events. When children suffered periods of depression, their explanatory styles not only deteriorated but remained pessimistic even after their depression subsided, presumably putting them at risk for future episodes of depression. Some children seem repeatedly prone to depressive symptoms over periods of at least 2 years. Depressed children consistently showed helpless behaviors in social and achievement settings.
In this longitudinal study, the depressive symptoms, life events, and explanatory styles of 168 school children were measured five times during the course of 1 year. Measures of school achievement were obtained once during the year. Depressive symptoms and explanatory styles were found to be quite stable over the year. As predicted by the reformulated learned helplessness theory, explanatory style both correlated with concurrent levels of depression and school achievement and predicted later changes in depression during the year. Depression also predicted later explanatory styles. The implications of these results for intervention with children with depressive symptoms or school achievement problems are discussed. The reformulated theory of learned helplessness (Abramson, Seligman, & Teasdale, 1978) makes a set of predictions about the emotional and behavioral development of children. It claims that there should be an identifiable set of children who are at particular risk for the behavioral and emotional deficits of helplessness. Specifically, children who possess an attributional (hereinafter referred to as explanatory) style that habitually leads them to view the causes of bad events as stable in time, global in effect, and internal to themselves will be-once they encounter bad events-especially vulnerable to a defined cluster of helplessness deficits. The cluster consists of (a) lowered response initiation (passivity), (b) cognitive deficits, (c) sadness, (d) lowered self-esteem, and (e) lowered assertiveness and competitiveness. In this study, we tested the prediction that children with a maladaptive explanatory style would exhibit more helplessness deficits than children without the maladaptive style. In line with previous research, helplessness deficits were operationalized as deficits in achievement-oriented behaviors and as the motivational, cognitive, and emotional deficits of depression. This study was longitudinal, with measures of explanatory style and helplessness deficits taken five times in 1 year. This longitudinal design allowed us both to examine the causal influence of explanatory style on helplessness and to obtain data on the stabil
Numerous epidemiological reports have found that adolescent, young adult, and middle-aged adult girls and women are more likely to be diagnosed with unipolar depression and report greater symptoms of depression when compared to boys and men of similar ages. What is less well-known is whether this gender difference persists into late life. This literature review examines whether the well-known gender difference in unipolar depression continues into old age, and, if it does, whether the variables that are known to contribute to the gender difference in unipolar depression from adolescence through adulthood continue to contribute to the gender difference in the elderly, and/or whether there are new variables that arise in old age and contribute to the gender difference in the elderly. In this review of 85 empirical studies from every continent except for Antarctica, we find substantial support for the gender difference in depression in individuals who are 60 and older. More research is necessary to determine which factors are the strongest predictors of the gender difference in depression in late life, and particularly whether the factors that seem to be responsible for the gender difference in depression in earlier life stages continue to predict the gender difference in the elderly, and/or whether new factors come into play in late life. Longitudinal research, meta-analyses, and model-based investigations of predictors of the gender difference in depression are needed to provide insights into how and why the gender difference in depression persists in older age.
In 2 longitudinal studies of negative life events and depressive symptoms in adolescents (N = 708) and in children (N = 508), latent trait-state-error structural equation models tested both the stress generation hypothesis and the stress exposure hypothesis. Results strongly suggested that self-reports of depressive symptoms reflect the influence of a perfectly stable trait factor as well as a less stable state factor. Support emerged for both the stress generation model and the stress exposure model. When the state depression factor was modeled as predicting stress, support for the stress generation model appeared to increase with age. When the trait depression factor was modeled as the predictor of stress, support for the stress generation model did not vary with the child's age. In both models, support for the stress exposure remained relatively constant across age.
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