Artikel ini membahas gerakan politik Koko (Kotak Kosong) yang di bentuk oleh Forum Peduli Demokrasi Humbang Hasundutan (FPDHH) pada Pilkada Humbang Hasundutan tahun 2020 sebagai respon atas calon tunggal pada Pilkada didaerah tersebut. Fenomena ini menarik walaupun kotak kosong tidak berhasil dalam memenangkan Pilkada di Kabupaten Humbang Hasundutan namun perolehan suara sebesar 47,5 persen dari suara sah merupakan yang tertinggi dibandingkan 25 kabupaten/kota dimana paslon melawan kotak kosong. Kerangka pikir yang digunakan adalah peran civil society untuk memobilisasi dukungan hingga memperoleh persentase perolehan suara yang tertinggi pada Pilkada serentak tahun 2020. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah kualitatif dengan studi kasus. Pengumpulan data bersumber dari studi literatur baik dari buku, jurnal, dan berita yang berkaitan. Hasil dari artikel ini adalah bahwa di Kabupaten Humbang Hasundutan, pasangan calon tunggal yaitu Dosmar-Oloan didukung oleh seluruh partai politik yang memiliki kursi di DPRD Kabupaten Humbang Hasundutan sehingga hal ini melahirkan kekecewaan masyarakat dengan mendirikan Gerakan Koko (Kotak Kosong) oleh Forum Peduli Demokrasi Humbang Hasundutan sebagai bentuk perlawanan terhadap calon tunggal yang dianggap mencederai demokrasi serta kekecewaan terhadap kegagalan partai memunculkan kader internal untuk maju sebagai pasangan calon bupati-wakil bupati. Kegiatan yang dilakukan dengan sosialisasi dan edukasi kepada masyarakat terhadap calon tunggal dan kotak kosong serta mendirikan posko relawan pemenangan kotak kosong.

In the Humbang Hasundutan Regency Local Leaders Election, the identity of the Marbun clan was used as a tool of political struggle to win candidates. The considerations underlying this research are the experience of the Marbun clan who lost in the previous two elections and the impact felt by the defeat, specifically: an uneven development focus and officials from the Marbun clan who rarely occupy positions in the government. Identity politics can be understood as a tool of political struggle of an ethnicity in an effort to achieve a goal. Identity politics is used as a tool based on two aspects, there are: based on similarity of identity and based on similarity of interests. The author uses qualitative methods with case studies. Data collection is obtained from the results of collecting primary data and also secondary data. Primary Data is obtained from the results of recorded and collected interviews. All the data obtained are analyzed qualitatively so that what is contained behind a reality can be revealed. The result of this study is that the clan plays a role in a person's political life so that the identity politics of the Marbun clan is used as a tool of political struggle from candidates in the main way to gain support through an approach to the Marbun clan group, called PTMI (Parsadaan Toga Marbun Indonesia) Humbang Hasundutan Regency and Mabun clan figures because of the community's obedience to these figures and the nature of loving and helping each other among the siblings of the three clans on Toga Marbun, they are: Lumban Batu, Banjarnahor, and Lumban Gaol.

The COVID-19 pandemic provides trials as well as lessons for the democratic system in Indonesia. This article examines and discusses the sustainability of democracy in Indonesia by reflecting on the handling of the COVID-19 pandemic. The research method we use is qualitative with data collection techniques through observation, library research, and utilizing various online sources to analyze it. Our findings show that the government's strategy in anticipating the COVID-19 pandemic has reduced the level of democracy. This can be seen in the politicization of regulations which has led to the arrest and prosecution of civilians who disagree with the government. Second, the occurrence of executive aggrandisement by attracting opposition elites into the government so that there is no resistance in terms of handling COVID-19 and, third, the birth of a discourse on the perpetuation of executive power. If there are no efforts to correct the course of democracy, then Indonesian democracy will experience a deeper setback than during the COVID-19 pandemic.Keywords: COVID-19, Executive Aggrandisement, Democratic Regression, Authority AbstrakPandemi COVID-19 memberikan cobaan sekaligus pembelajaran terhadap sistem demokrasi di Indonesia.  Artikel ini membahas dan mendiskusikan keberlanjutan demokrasi di Indonesia dengan bercermin pada penanganan pandemi COVID-19.  Metode penelitian yang kami gunakan adalah kualitatif dengan teknik pengutipan data melalui observasi, library research, serta memanfaatkan berbagai sumber online untuk menganalisisnya.  Temuan Kami menunjukkan bahwa strategi pemerintah dalam mengantisipasi pandemi COVID-19 telah menurunkan kadar demokrasi.  Ini tampak pada politisasi regulasi yang berujung pada penangkapan dan penuntutan warga sipil yang berseberangan pandangan dengan pemerintah.  Kedua, terjadinya executive aggrandisement dengan cara menarik menarik masuk elit oposisi dalam pemerintahan agar tidak ada perlawanan dalam hal penanganan COVID-19 dan, ketiga, lahirnya wacana pengekalan kekuasaan eksekutif.  Jika tak ada upaya koreksi atas jalannya demokrasi, maka demokrasi Indonesia akan mengalami kemunduran yang lebih dalam dari masa pandemi COVID-19 lalu.Kata Kunci: COVID-19, Executive aggrandisement, Regresi demokrasi, Kuasa

Direct regional head elections or direct election give rise to two faces for Indonesian politics. On the one hand, a positive face towards democracy; on the other hand, it displays a negative impact. Its positive impacts include efforts to strengthen the political legitimacy of local governments; achieving political empowerment of citizens; institutionalizing checks and balances mechanisms between institutions in the region; and the emergence of female regional heads. Meanwhile, among the negative impacts of direct elections are the high costs of politics. The research presents a qualitative approach with data collection techniques in the form of literature studies, observations, and interviews. This paper marks aspects high costs were caused by several factors, such as candidacy buying, campaign costs, witness fees during the election, political consultant fees, and appeal fees to the Constitutional Court. Therefore, it is not surprising that the winning contestants will try to return to their capital by means of corruption. This research implies at least four modes of return of political capital exist for regional heads, namely: bribery in obtaining permits; buying and selling positions; bribes in the procurement of projects and goods; and manipulation of social assistance. Referring to this dilemma, it turns out that the election still leaves a huge amount of homework for deepening democracy in Indonesia.