The challenge of prosodic annotation is reflected in commonly reported variability among trained annotators in the assignment of prosodic labels. The present study examines individual differences in the perception of prosody through the lens of prosodic annotation. First, Generalized Additive Mixed Models (GAMMs) reveal the non-linear pattern of some acoustic cues on the perception of prosodic features. Second, these same models reveal that while some of the untrained annotators are using these cues to determine prosodic features, the magnitude of effect differs quite dramatically across the annotators. Finally, the trained annotators follow the same cues as subsets of the untrained annotators, but present a much stronger effect for many of the cues. The findings show that while prosody perception is systemically related to acoustic and contextual cues, there are also individual differences that are limited to the selection and magnitude of the factors that influence prosodic rating, and the relative weighting among those factors.

Purpose Overt marking of BE in nonmainstream adult dialects of English is influenced by a number of linguistic constraints, including the structure's person, number, tense, contractibility, and grammatical function. In the current study, we examined the effects of these constraints on overt marking of BE in children as a function of their nonmainstream English dialect and age. Methods The data were language samples from 62 children, aged four to six years; 24 spoke African American English (AAE) and 38 spoke Southern White English (SWE). Analyses included analysis of variance and logistic regression. Results Rates of overt marking varied by the children's dialect but not their age. Although the person, number, tense, and grammatical function of BE influenced the children's rates of marking, the nature and magnitude of the influence differed by the children's dialect. For AAE-speaking children, contractibility also influenced their marking of BE. Conclusions Consistent with the adult literature, the AAE- and SWE-speaking children marked BE in ways that differed from each other and from what has been documented for child speakers of Mainstream American English. These findings show stability in the use of BE in AAE and SWE that spans different generations and different dialect communities.

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Mixed effects regression models are widely used by language researchers. However, these regressions are implemented with an algorithm which may not converge on a solution. While convergence issues in linear mixed effects models can often be addressed with careful experiment design and model building, logistic mixed effects models introduce the possibility of separation or quasi-separation, which can cause problems for model estimation that result in convergence errors or in unreasonable model estimates. These problems cannot be solved by experiment or model design. In this paper, we discuss (quasi-)separation with the language researcher in mind, explaining what it is, how it causes problems for model estimation, and why it can be expected in linguistic datasets. Using real linguistic datasets, we then show how Bayesian models can be used to overcome convergence issues introduced by quasi-separation, whereas frequentist approaches fail. On the basis of these demonstrations, we advocate for the adoption of Bayesian models as a practical solution to dealing with convergence issues when modeling binary linguistic data.

The emergence ofêtre commeas a quotative verb in Canadian French is easily construed as a case of contact-induced change by virtue of its superficial similarity to the rapidly diffusingbe likequotative (Tagliamonte & D'Arcy, 2007). We pursue the inference of contact-induced change by undertaking a quantitative analysis of French and English quotatives recorded from speakers in the bilingual city of Ottawa between 2008 and 2010. A series of real-time cross sections enables the longitudinal development of the quotative system of each language to be tracked. Analysis of the data confirms thatêtre commeis a change in progress, but not a wholesale replication of its English counterpart. Although the results do not refute the role of external causation in the emergence ofêtre comme, the available evidence suggests that an external source is neither the sole, nor even the preferred, motivation for the emergence of this innovation.