Looking at political participation behavior of young adults in contemporary Europe, this paper provides the reader with a map of different terminologies and logics that are used to discuss youth political participation. The existing literature is examined through the lens of five guiding questions: what defines youth political participation? How does youth political participation differ from adult political participation? How do young adults develop political attitudes? How does youth political participation differ across Europe? What methods are being used to analyze youth political participation? For those researching youth political participation for the first time, this paper offers a useful overview of the topic. At the same time, it gives researchers who are already well-informed the opportunity to reflect on the current state of research in this field. Finally, this paper indicates where future research is needed.

This paper analyzes whether and how work values differ between European Welfare states and change over time. We proceed in three steps: First, we show that—despite EU harmonization endeavors, for example, via the Europe 2020 strategy—work values still vary substantially between European countries and welfare regimes. Second, by analyzing data from the European Social Survey 2004 and 2010, we show how labor market policies, such as active and passive labor market policies, are associated with work values and how overall levels of work values changed over this period. Third, we discuss potential implications of the heterogeneity of work values for national as well as European labor market policy making. Altogether we are able to show that work values are substantially driven by the economic structure of a country and its labor market policy making. Key Practitioner Message Work values vary substantially between European countries and welfare regimes. The change of work values is substantially driven by welfare state structures (both labor market policies implemented and industry share). Both European and national labor market policy making has to account for these different work values to be successful.

In recent years, young adults have increasingly expressed their displeasure with climate policies, arguing that the preservation of the earth for future generations is not secured by existing policies. A growing number of young citizens demands action from politicians and accuses them of a lack of responsiveness. At the same time, young adults are undergoing political socialization, not only within their families, but especially in school, where they learn to lead an independent life and to form their own political opinions. However, what happens if students question the knowledge on the political system that they have acquired in school? This paper analyses how the exogenous “shock” of Fridays for Future has influenced pupils' political attitudes compared to other continuous skills that pupils learn in school. Relying on a unique survey experiment among pupils from different school types and among students in Germany (more than 300 respondents), we find that priming for Fridays for Future and protest participation significantly change perceived political responsiveness and satisfaction with democracy. The results demonstrate that the efforts of schools to prepare young citizens for professional life have no effect, while equal treatment in school is explanatory for varying political satisfaction. Protest participation seems to have a great influence on how the political attitudes of the young cohort develop.

The European Union (EU) has undergone significant economic crises in recent years. Therein, young people were amongst the hardest hit groups, with youth unemployment rising as high as 50% in some member states. Particularly high rates of youth unemployment were often observed in rural areas, where labour market supply in relation to demand were notably divergent. One of the core pillars of the EU’s agenda is to tackle the persistent problem of youth unemployment. Since the recent crisis, this has been via the “Youth on the Move” initiative, which involves the promotion of intra- and international mobility of young adults in order to gain access to job opportunities. However, what has received little attention so far is the question of what the general willingness of young adults to move is like, and to what extent this varies, for example, depending upon the area they live in. This paper therefore asks if rural youth differ from youth in urban areas in relation to their willingness to move for a job within their country or to another country. Moreover, what influences the general willingness to be mobile? Based on the Cultural Pathways to Economic Self-Sufficiency and Entrepreneurship (CUPESSE) Survey, which includes data on 18–35-year-olds in a sample of 11 European countries, it is shown that living in a rural area is strongly associated with the willingness to move. Furthermore, it shows that rural youth are more willing to move within the country but less willing to move to another country. Based on the presentation of the various factors, which promote or curb mobility readiness, the results make it clear that the success of EU initiatives depends on the preferences and willingness of the target group in question.

The economic crisis of 2008 resulted in rising levels of unemployment, which were accompanied by protests in many countries. This led to a scientific debate on the influence of grievances on political participation. Previous studies have shown that individual affectedness leads to ‘exiting’, whereas in times of crisis grievances lead to increased political participation. What all these studies have in common is that they solely investigate actual deprivation. The present study adds a new aspect and examines if the individual risk perception of becoming deprived influences political participation. Does the individual risk perception of becoming deprived influence political participation and, if so, does this depend on the economic context? Based on grievance theory and using data from the European Social Survey and the World Bank, this study shows that the personal risk of becoming deprived increases the likelihood of participation. However, the participation-enhancing effect of one’s own risk perception is diminished when individuals live in an economically weak country and thus see no chance of improvement. This underlines that context plays a role and that economically deteriorating situations in the country can reduce participation rates.