In this article we discuss the strategies that people may use to cope with situations that are risky in that they present the possibility for failure and potential threats to self-esteem. Previous research has indicated that anxiety (Sarason, 1980) and explicitly set low expectations (Sherman, Skov, Hervitz, & Stock, 1981) may lead to performance deficits in these situations. Experiment 1 indicates, in contrast, that with a strategy called defensive pessimism (Norem & Cantor, 1986), individuals may sometimes use low expectations to cope with their anxiety so that it does not become debilitating. A second experiment further supports the contention that low expectations may help individuals negotiate risky situations by showing that interference with the defensive-pessimism strategy impairs performance. Subjects whose strategic construction of the situation was not interfered with do not show impaired performance. These data are interpreted as evidence that the effects of low expectations and high anxiety on performance may be mediated by the strategies individuals use when approaching risky situations.

The concept of cognitive strategies is proposed as a model for the process by which individuals cushion themselves against threats to self-esteem in

This paper reports on data from a longitudinal study in which normative life tasks and individuals' personal versions of those tasks are investigated in the context of students making the transition from home and high school to college life. Analyses focus both on common patterns of life-task appraisal in interpersonal and achievement domains and on differences in the self-concepts and cognitive strategies that individual students bring to bear as they confront these normative pressures (Cantor & Kihlstrom, 1987). In particular, we investigate the impact of students' actual-ideal self-discrepancies (Higgins, Klein, & Strauman, 1985) on subjective stress and satisfaction in achievement and interpersonal life-task domains and suggest that self-concept discrepancy negatively affects adjustment in the achievement domain and positively affects social outcomes. Next, we show that students are able to confront their anxieties in the stressful achievement domain, but that they often do so in very different ways. Specifically, students using a defensive-pessimism strategy motivated themselves by confronting their anxieties in advance of stressful tasks, whereas those using an optimistic strategy assumed the best until proved otherwise-protecting self-esteem after the fact in the event of disappointment (Norem & Cantor, 1986a, 1986b. This analysis, thus, begins at the level of normative "readings" of life tasks in a shared transition period and gradually moves toward consideration of how individuals navigate those tasks in personally meaningful ways.

Two studies investigated the hypothesis that individuals using the cognitive strategy of defensive pessimism will perform better and feel better when allowed to play through possible outcomes and reflect on their progress. In contrast, individuals using an optimistic strategy will perform more poorly and feel worse when they are encouraged or required to reflect on themselves and their goals. A laboratory experiment and a study using experience-sampling methodology (ESM) revealed this pattern for self-reported mood, appraisal of tasks, and progress toward goals; objective performance; and a physiological measure, though the interaction was not always statistically significant. Discussion focuses on the probable content of reflective thought for these individuals, the relative costs and benefits of each approach, and the usefulness of a strategy-oriented approach to the study of individual differences and self-regulation.Is it really better to "look on the bright side" and "look for the silver lining?" Reviewing current psychological research, one may easily conclude that Pollyanna was right, there are substantial benefits to having a positive outlook on the world and one's self. Expectancy theories (Darley & Fazio, 1980;Feather, 1966) and work on dispositional optimism (Scheier et al., 1989) attest to the advantages of optimistic responses to a variety of health threats and other stressors.

As the positive psychology movement gains momentum, both within psychology and in the broader culture, it becomes increasingly important to ensure that the complexity of individual personality and psychological processes do not get lost in a "one-size-fits-all" approach to improving human functioning. In this article, we consider some of the ways that the costs and benefits of different kinds of optimism and pessimism may vary across different individuals, situations, and cultural contexts. We use defensive pessimism research to illustrate that there are times when pessimism and negative thinking are indeed positive psychology, as they lead to better performance and personal growth. We also consider the ways in which dominant American culture--and research in psychology--may underestimate some of the costs of optimism.