IRAM 30 m Observations toward eight protostellar outflow sources were taken in the 96–176 GHz range. Transitions of CH3OH and CH3CHO were detected in seven of them. The integrated emissions of the transitions of each species that fell into the observed frequency range were measured and fit using RADEX and LTE models. Column densities and gas properties inferred from this fitting are presented. The ratio of the A and E-type isomers of CH3OH indicates that the methanol observed in these outflows was formed on the grain surface. Both species demonstrate a reduction of terminal velocity in their line profiles in faster outflows, indicating destruction in the post-shock gas phase. This destruction, and a near constant ratio of the CH3OH and CH3CHO column densities, imply it is most likely that CH3CHO also forms on the grain surface.

Objective: This paper seeks to understand the impact of sustained protests for racial justice on attitudes toward racial minorities, the police, and policies that would benefit racial minorities. Methods: Using a large, nationally representative survey collected before and after the death of George Floyd and the protest movement that followed it, I employ a propensity score matching to identify the causal impact of these protests on perceptions of discrimination against blacks, favorability of the police, racial prejudice, and support for reparations for slavery. I also identify heterogeneous effects in rural America to identify the limits of these attitude shifts. Results: I find evidence that George Floyd's death caused an increased perception of discrimination against blacks, decreased favorability of the police, decreased racial prejudice, and increased support for reparations. I also find muted and heterogeneous effects in rural America. Conclusion: These findings speak to the power of social protest to shift attitudes and policy preferences and to the persistent divide between urban and rural Americans.On May 25, 2020, George Floyd was killed while being placed in police custody. His death sparked the largest sustained protest movement in the history of the United States (Putnam, Chenoweth, and Pressman 2020). Particularly interesting to this phenomenon was its presence across the United States: seemingly as likely in urban areas as in rural areas (Robertson 2020; Gaarder 2020). Given recent evidence that protest movements centered on issues of race and policing can influence public opinion (Enos and Sands 2019; Mazumder 2019), this paper seeks to understand the immediate impact of George Floyd's death and the protest movement that followed on public opinion in rural and suburban communities. Because there is evidence that the impact of attitudinal shifts may have been temporary in the aftermath of George Floyd's death (Thomas and Horowitz 2020), this paper focuses on identifying shifts in the turbulent month immediately following George Floyd's death by leveraging responses to a nationally representative survey fielded between January 2 and July 1, 2020.Past research suggests that large-scale protest movements can play a role in shifting political outcomes and attitudes. Protests during the Civil Rights Movement seem to have impacted political outcomes in the South by increasing black electoral turnout and the number of blacks running for political office (Andrews 90

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Under what conditions will Islamist parties perform well in elections and what happens to the political regime should they gain political power? The canonical hypothesis—“one man, one vote, one time”—argues that Islamist parties are likely to perform well whenever elections become free and that their electoral success is likely to lead to a democratic backslide. Others argue that Islamists are not as popular as this hypothesis suggests or that only moderate Islamist parties are likely to perform well and these parties are unlikely to deliberalize a regime. I propose a modification to these hypotheses, and argue that participation in governments, not seat shares, should be conceptualized as electoral success. Furthermore, because they are often the most likely groups to face repression, the presence of Islamists in governments is indicative of a liberalizing process. Using electoral data from across the Muslim‐majority world, I find that Islamists are more likely to hold cabinet‐level positions as regimes become more competitive and that the presence of Islamists in government has a positive effect on future levels of democracy, broadly defined. These findings suggest a need to reevaluate more critical perspectives on the effect of Islamist participation in democratizing countries in the Muslim‐majority world.

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