When encountering problems and dissatisfaction in the workplace, employees may choose between three strategies: voice, exit or silence. Using survey data and interview material from a study of employees in an elderly care organisation in Sweden, this article investigates the workers' perceptions of the eligibility and prospects of these strategies and which individual characteristics and situational factors might affect them. The focus is on racialised workers (operationalised through their region of birth) who, according to earlier studies, are less likely than other employees to choose voice behaviour. Contrary to some earlier studies, the results here attribute such a propensity to the importance of power differences across 'racial hierarchies' rather than to differences in cultural values. Individuals in this (racialised) category have a lower occupational status, earn less and experience less favourable relationships with their managers.

This article presents a typology of discursive discrimination, discrimination carried out through the use of language. It is argued that such a typology should fulfil certain criteria in order to be useful for empirical research. The proposed typology consists of four main concepts: (1) exclusion from discourse; (2) negative other-presentation; (3) objectification; and (4) proposals pointing towards unfavourable non-linguistic treatment. The related concept of othering -the creation of a psychological distance to people understood to belong to groups others than 'us' -is also presented. The manner in which the different forms of discursive discrimination and othering can be operationalized is demonstrated through examples from empirical studies of discourses of people categorized as mentally deficient, as deaf, and as immigrants in public debate in Sweden in the past 75 years.

In this article, a study is presented of the ideological shift to the right that took place in the Swedish elite-dominated public debate between 1969 and 1989. The first aim of the article is to present the results of a number of analyses of the shift. Two questions guided the analyses: first, what was the ideological content of this swing to the right? Second, how comprehensive was it? The results indicate that the shift could best be described as a neo-liberalization of the debate, and that conservative ideas were still virtually absent from the arenas of public debate in the late 1980s. The comprehensiveness of the shift was studied (a) as the proportion of neo-liberal ideas put forward as explicit statements in the debate arenas, and (b) as influence on the normative and descriptive use of political terms such as the Swedish words for "democracy", "justice" and "equality". The results showed a 'neo-liberalization' of the usage of some of the terms. The second aim of the article is to suggest, by example, certain methods for the analysis of ideological change and to evaluate those methods. to the British economy.

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Using quantitative and qualitative methods, this study investigates inequalities in occupational status and wages between native-born and foreign-born employees in elderly care institutions in Sweden. It finds that employees from Africa, Asia and Latin Americathe "Global South"are disadvantaged in both respects. Combinatory explanations of the inequalities are needed. The shorter work experience of foreign-born workers in the care sector plus the lesser value given to educational credentials obtained outside Sweden are among the factors related to human capital theory. Access to less-valuable resources in the workplace social networks of foreign-born employees is related to social capital theory. The processes that result in exclusion from powerful social networks, in turn, are found to be affected by discrimination in the workplace.