Objective. We investigate adolescent membership in voluntary associations and whether participation in these activities influences voting behavior during early adulthood. Methods. Weighted logistic regression models predicting membership in voluntary associations and voting behavior were estimated using data from the National Educational Longitudinal Study of 1988-1994. Results. Our findings suggest that membership in voluntary associations varies by race and socioeconomic status (SES). In addition, membership in organizations historically rooted in moral development and civic socialization positively predict voter-registration status and whether or not young adults participated in the first national election that they were eligible to vote in, but this relationship is moderated by both race and SES. Conclusions. Our findings suggest that a large proportion of U.S. teenagers still participate in community-based programs, many of which foster later civic participation, but that all youth do not equally benefit from participation.Voluntary institutions form a foundation for democracy by promoting civic participation (Tocqueville, 1945). Putnam (1995) argues that the erosion in the family and community resulted in a decline in shared activity that fosters civic socialization. It is generally accepted that membership in certain voluntary associations has declined, but there is disagreement about the nature of the decline and whether it indicates communitywide decreases in civic activity (Putnam

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Resurgent interest in the role of economic threat in fostering movement participation has highlighted the importance of economic change. However, many of the insights of this approach are drawn from case studies of specific movements. Comparative research on economic threat has been relatively absent, leaving open the possibility that the influence of threat is limited to certain contexts. To remedy the empirical gap, this study takes advantage of a standardized, cross-national dataset (the 2004 International Social Survey Programme) to evaluate the recent claims. Using changes in the unemployment rate as a measure of economic threat, the results suggest that the mobilizing effects of economic uncertainty are strongest among those individuals who are most vulnerable to economic change—in this case, manual workers in liberal welfare states. By contrast, workers with more economic protection—either by virtue of their occupational position or their access to a more generous welfare system—are largely unresponsive to changing labor market conditions. The findings highlight the relevance of two sources of economic protection: social class at the individual level and welfare policies at the national level. The importance of focusing on the intersection of these levels and the benefits of a comparative approach to understanding the emergence of economic threat are discussed in conclusion.

A frequent concern voiced by social commentators has been the persistence of mass disengagement over the past two decades-despite evidence of improving democratic involvement. In particular, since 1988, voter turnout in presidential elections has dramatically rebounded, to the point that they now rival the turnout rates of the 1960s. Yet little is known about the cause of this trend. The primary theoretical focus of the following study is to examine what factors were behind this increase in turnout, paying particular attention to the electoral relevance of increasing party polarization. Results indicate that the rise in polarization was a central driver behind the turnout boom. Changes in the electoral environment account for almost 80 percent of the total increase in voter turnout. The analysis suggests that party polarization represents a key mechanism that links citizens to the larger political process. Implications for the current state of mass engagement generally and political behavior specifically are discussed.

Recent scholarship argues that citizens in advanced democracies are turning to protests as a means of voicing political preferences. Advocates of this perspective claim that individuals now live in a "movement society," where protest activity stands alongside more traditional forms of political participation. However, despite the theoretical advances associated with the movement society approach, comprehensive evaluations of the underlying claims are lacking. This study remedies the empirical gaps by assessing three arguments. First, are more individuals participating in protest activities? Second, are protest activities expanding to more democratic countries? Third, have protest activities become "institutionalized," as indicated by a shift to nonconfrontational tactics? Analyses based on cross-national data provide mixed support for the movement society thesis. More individuals are becoming involved in protests, and this trend is observed in a large number of advanced democracies. Yet, there has not been a discernable shift toward the use of nonconfrontational tactics; indeed, confrontational tactics are becoming more popular.