In contexts of entrenched metropolitan inequality and limited local resources, organizers and community activists often feel a sense of urgency to target higher levels of government. This paper offers one such case from Detroit, of local organizing projects that "scaled up" in the mid-1990s to pursue a regional equity agenda. Drawing on participant observation, archival data, and interviews, the paper examines the process of unification and identifies key shifts in purpose, relational base, approach to leadership, and strategy for empowerment. While scaling up enabled members to engage in more sophisticated actions and influence higher levels of policy making, it also challenged the organization to maintain its member base. This research suggests that the process of scaling up poses tradeoffs for grassroots organizations, between responsiveness to existing members and building a regionally representative organization, capable of transcending divisions of the political environment.

Existing research on social capital advocates for an increase in bridging as an antidote to the “dark side” of bonding. But theory also suggests that the development of new social capital is unlikely in contexts of generalized distrust. This article addresses that quandary through the study of a congregation-based community organizing project in Detroit. Narratives drawn from interviews suggest that bridging also has downsides; potential risks from bridging are a concern for participants in multiracial organizing. I argue that the creation of bridging social capital is possible in part because organizers, clergy, and lay leaders act as conduits, intentionally building interpersonal trust among unlikely participants.

This study examines attitudes toward urban green space among homeowners in the River Rouge Watershed of southeast Michigan. Trees play a significant role in urban areas by providing numerous environmental, economic and social benefits to community residents. But public attitudes toward trees are not well understood. Through survey research we found that residents are most likely to value trees for personal benefit (like shade) but that social reasons are also valuable (improving the neighborhood). We also illustrate that cost is not an impeding factor in willingness to plant trees. Finally, our study reveals that homeowners felt tree planting is both an individual responsibility as well as a government responsibility. On the basis of these findings, we recommend that urban forestry policy should focus on education and outreach in an attempt to marry tree-planting initiatives to the individual benefits of trees as well as the community benefits of urban green space.

The purpose of this article is to provide a comparison of institution-based community organizing and deliberative practices and to demonstrate how these are complementary approaches for civic engagement. In contrast to older typologies describing these two approaches oppositionally, we seek to reveal a shared democratic ethos and propose greater collaboration between action-oriented organizers and deliberative advocates. The article also identifies where deliberative and organizing practices diverge and proposes a model for how the two approaches can be integrated for mutual benefit.

Using data collected between 2004 and 2008 from the National Politics Studies, this study explores the impact of race on the likelihood of attending worship settings that provide supportive services for and preach sermons about immigrants. It also considers the degree to which attending such worship settings associate with the perceptions that Whites, Blacks, and Hispanics hold of immigrants. We find that while Hispanics are more likely than Whites and Blacks to attend such “immigrant-conscious” congregations, attending such congregations more strongly correlates with Whites rejecting anti-immigrant frames and accepting positive frames than is the case for Blacks and Hispanics.