Terorisme pada dasarnya bertujuan memproduksi viktimisasi berskala besar. Kebijakan negara terbaru dalam konteks kompensasi korban terorisme nyatanya masih menyisakan masalah. Artikel riset ini bertujuan untuk mengkritisi dan mendalami kebijakan terbaru terkait kompensasi korban terorisme dari perspektif ketahanan nasional. Argumentasi yang dikembangkan adalah mengklasifikasikan korban terorisme dengan menggandeng eskalasi ancaman dan serangan terorisme. Penelitian dilakukan dengan pendekatan kualitatif dan pengumpulan data dilakukan melalui studi literatur serta wawancara informal. Literatur yang digunakan merupakan buku, jurnal, laporan dan dokumen terbatas dari BNPT dan LPSK. Wawancara informal dilakukan kepada empat orang pejabat dan analis kebijakan di level teknis di kedua lembaga untuk menggali kebenaran data dan informasi yang diperoleh dari literatur. Analisis tulisan ini menemukan adanya hidden victims akibat terorisme masa lalu yang belum terakomodasi. Layers of victim yang diusulkan dalam penelitian ini merupakan cara pandang baru melihat realitas korban terorisme, wacana ini setidaknya mampu mengidentifikasi, mengkaji dan mengindeks kerugian korban terorisme tidak hanya berdasarkan dampak dan kerugian, tetapi juga tingkat risiko sesuai eskalasi serangan sehingga penanganan korban menjadi lebih proporsional dan sesuai dengan asas keadilan. Kolaborasi wacana ini dapat memperkaya studi ketahanan nasional dan mendorong penetapan eskalasi ancaman terorisme sebagai indikator utama strategi kontraterorisme yang komprehensif.

The Indonesian government’s decision to change the status of Papuan Criminal Armed Group (KKB Papua) into a terrorist organization generated mixed responses. Over exposure on KKB Papua’s brutal acts by the media had showed a firm support for this decision and it had successfully influenced public opinion on justice and crime as well as contributed to deeper stigmatization towards the group. This status-changing decision signifies the penal populism policy, which was highly predisposed by political actors’ emotional state and ignored the legal mechanism to define a group as a terrorist organization (List of Suspected Terrorist and Terrorist Organizations). This paper analyzes government’s decision on KKB Papua’s status changing from penal populism point of view, where the construction of public’s punitive opinion had been highly dominated by the media. Employing a qualitative discourse analysis, this paper argues that the public anger, social discontent, and sentiments regarding a political event and the criminal justice system, had been justified as the “people’s will” which pushed government’s decision to determine KKB Papua as a terrorist organization. In turn, penal populism policy and media’s influence in presenting virtual reality to frame people's emotions had ultimately led to state hate crime against KKB Papua.

Nowadays, perpetrators on terrorism are not male dominated. Research in this thesis discusses women involvement as terrorist wives to support their husband and their terrorist group. This research focused on the process of how wives were brought and involved in terrorism by their husband. Terrorist wives are the invisible victim of terrorism, they are involved not by their own will. Pressure, intimidations, dominance and symbolic violence in their household moving towards new kind of victimization. Using qualitative approach in dept interview with two terrorist wives, this research found terrorist wives experienced multiple victimization. Another findings is also made that wives are unconcious that they are actually victims with society unawareness shows that there is omission by the government. Terrorist wives are not only experienced multiple impacts, but also they are neglected victims of counter-terrorism systems.

No abstract

The Indonesian deradicalization program conducted by Indonesian National Counterterrorism Agency (BNPT) comes under public scrutiny due the number of terrorist recidivism with a total of 47 individuals during 2018 until 2020. This indicates that the ongoing deradicalization program has not been successful and effective and it requires a massive change across all levels. This article aims to analyse the Indonesian deradicalization programs which has been adopting the peacemaking criminology approach and how it is implemented. Employing a qualitative study through desk research and informal interviews as the data collection techniques, this article examines various problems and challenges that are hampering the peacemaking-based deradicalization programs in Indonesia, including the problem of database on the ex-convicts, methods of approach and assessment, reliance on the top-down approach conducted by government institutions, pandemic challenges, and inconsistencies with the legal or judicial aspects. Adapting to the social change approach by including the involvement of the non-government stakeholders is important for deradicalization program to work. This article recommends that the evaluation of deradicalization  policies in Indonesia should consider the re-focusing of deradicalization goals by aiming at behavioural changes rather than mindset and ideological changes, incorporating gender aspects in deradicalization programs, research-based programs formulation based on intersecting multidiscipline research fields and the possibility for the deradicalization as well as disengagement privatization programs to increase the effectiveness and reduce inefficiency.