In the present research we examined predictions derived from the following three theoretical approaches to stereotyping: complexity-extremity theory, assumed characteristics theory, and expectancy-violation theory. In order to assess these predictions, we manipulated the race, personal appearance, and dialect style of target job applicants. White judges rated these applicants on a set of characteristics relevant to hiring decisions. Results were consistent with all three theories. Specifically, the range of judges' evaluations of black applicants was larger than the range of their evaluations of white applicants; the effects of personal appearance and dialect style were larger than the effects of race; and black applicants, on average, received more favorable ratings than white applicants. We present a model integrating all three perspectives, and we demonstrate its usefulness for explaining our results and for understanding past research on stereotypes.Three theoretical perspectives within social psychology address how stereotypes influence perceptions of individual members of in-groups and out-groups: complexity-extremity theory, assumed characteristics theory, and expectancy-violation theory. Each theory proposes that different processes underlie the impact of background information on evaluations of in-group and out-group members. When considered separately, these theories generate conflicting predictions. Rarely, however, have these theoretical approaches been directly compared with one another. Therefore, in this article we will examine these theories experimentally by investigating how the race, personal appearance, and dialect style of job applicants affects white observers' evaluations.First, we review the basic ideas of each theory to illustrate how they could lead to opposing predictions. For each theory, we generate one set of predictions by assuming that the theory describes the only influences on evaluations. These predictions are useful because they clearly reflect the ideas of each theory. However, researchers from each of these theoretical approaches generally acknowledge the possibility of other influences. Consequently, we also develop a second set of predictions for each theory. These predictions are more realistic and more complex because they reflect how each theory might function in the con-This project was based on work supported by a National Science Foundation Graduate Fellowship provided to Lee Jussim and by a Spencer Foundation Grant provided to Lerita M. Coleman.We wish to acknowledge Lisa Gibson for her help in collecting the data and

Previous research has not systematically examined the relationship of perceived race-based discriminations to labor force participation or job related stresses-problems experienced by Black women. The present study investigated the relative contributions of perceived race-based discriminations and sociodemographic characteristics to employment status and job stress in a national probability sample (the National Survey of Black Americans; J. S. Jackson, 1991) of Black women in the United States. Logit and polychotomous logistic regression analyses revealed that Black women's current employment status was best explained by sociodemographic measures. In contrast, the combination of perceived discrimination and sociodemographics differentially affects patterns of employment status and perceived job stress in the work environment of Black women. Implications of these findings for the health of African American women are discussed.As greater numbers of women maintain steady employment and move into nontraditional occupations, more attention is being paid to social and psychological effects resulting from their participation in the labor force. The impact of work on marriage, family, mental health status, life satisfaction, and, in particular, job-related stress has been an important area of study (Crohan, Antonnucci, Adelmann, & Coleman, 1989). Historically, Black 1 women have constituted a proportionally large share of the labor force (Evans & Herr, 1991;Malveaux & Wallace, 1987). Much of the research on working Black women, however, has concerned itself with objective labor market indices (e.g., rates of participation, occupation, and salary equity). Little research has examined the psychosocial aspects of perceptions of gender and race discrimination in the labor market experiences of Black women, particularly as they affect entry into the labor force, participation rates (employment status), and job stress in the work environment as a function of perceptions of racial-ethnic discrimination.Studies examining work and the quality of life consistently document the negative impact of work-related discrimination on women and ethnic group members (Ulbrich, Warheit, & Copyright 1996 by the Educational Publishing Foundation Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Vickie M. Mays, University of California, Los Angeles, 405 Hilgard Avenue, 1285 Franz Hall, Box 951563, Los Angeles, California 90095-1563. Electronic mail may be sent via Internet to mays@psych.sscnet.ucla.edu. 1 The terms African American and Black are used interchangeably throughout this article to refer to Americans who share a common ancestral descent from people historically indigenous to sub-Saharan Africa. NIH Public AccessAuthor Manuscript J Occup Health Psychol. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2013 June 13.Published in final edited form as:J Occup Health Psychol. 1996 July ; 1(3): 319-329. NIH-PA Author ManuscriptNIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author Manuscript Zimmerman, 1989). Disparities between the occupational ...

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A model integrating 3 theoretical perspectives regarding how stereotypes influence person perception was tested. The theories included evaluative extremity theories, assumed characteristics theory, and expectancy violation theory. Predictions were assessed by manipulating the ethnicity, personal appearance, and speech style of target job applicants. These applicants were rated by 109 judges. Results showed that: (a) Judges evaluated job applicants far more on the basis of their personal appearance and speech style than on the basis of their ethnicity; (b) the range of evaluations of African American applicants was larger than the range of evaluations of White applicants; and (c) overall, judges evaluated the African American applicants more favorably than the White applicants. Results strongly supported the model integrating the 3 theories. We discuss the applicability of the model to other research and naturalistic situations.