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Using two local authorities (LAs) (Windhoek and Walvis Bay) in Namibia, this study problematises their negative and neutral developmental experiences with facilitating foreign direct investment (FDI) as concerning (Jauch, 2020). The absence of a normative framework for LA FDI facilitation in Namibia’s multi-level government (MLG) system creates a developmental quagmire for LAs. This study develops a normative framework for LA FDI facilitation to avert the negative and neutral developmental experiences of LAs with facilitating FDI. Using the qualitative method, this study interviewed 13 key respondents that were sampled through the purposive/judgemental technique. Data were interpreted and presented through thematic analysis. The key findings point to the development of a normative framework for LA FDI facilitation that ascends the need for 1) sufficient decentralised functions of FDI facilitation in an MLG system; 2) policy and legislative harmonisation to avert challenges of coordination and implementation in an MLG system; 3) institutional structures for an efficient MLG system at the LA level; and 4) broader legal and policy framework for efficient governance at the sub-national government (SNG) level in an MLG system. This study recommends the application of this normative framework in MLG systems to ascend LAs’ developmental role in facilitating FDI for development.

This paper argues that the general elections of 2009 managed to

In the aftermath of the conclusion of the peace process in Angola in 1992 the Angolan government managed to establish formal democratic institutions. Foremost on the agenda was the decision to allow for multiparty elections. Yet the launch of electoral politics as part of the democratic landscape in Angola has not led to the development of a culture of tolerance and openness typical of democratic societies. On the contrary, the outbreak of a civil war following the disputed elections in 1992 gave the Angolan government the opportunity to revert to its authoritarian ways. The consequence of this reversal was that the elections of 2008 have not led to the entrenchment or the development of electoral democracy but rather to the reinforcement of electoral authoritarianism. This article posits that while the foundation for the evolution of electoral democracy has been laid, the Angolan government can, at best, be described as an electoral authoritarian state that reinforces its hegemony over Angolan society through electoral processes which do not conform to democratic practices.

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