. The 1919 Versailles Peace Conference created new states in East Central Europe (ECE), but the imperfect implementation of the ‘one nation, one state’ formula resulted in more than twenty‐five million ‘unassimilable’ minorities. With the introduction of majoritarian democracy, this gave rise to what we term ‘ethnic reversals’: ‘formally dominant majorities’ suffered status decline, while previously ‘minoritised majorities’ found new political powers. Accordingly, the 1919 Minorities Treaties sought to manage these ‘ethnic reversals’ by instituting a liberal minority rights regime that tried to create both ‘tolerant majorities’ and ‘loyal minorities’. While the Treaties reflected the influences of Anglo‐American and Anglo‐American Jewish elites – the most notable voices of liberalism in an age of ethnic homogenisation – we suggest that in contexts of historical diversity with little institutionalised liberalism, ‘ethnic reversals’ raise issues that cannot be resolved within liberal conceptions of minority rights that rely solely or primarily on cultural protections.

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. The Ethnic Roots of Class Universalism: Rethinking the "Russian" Revolutionary Elite 1 Liliana Riga University of EdinburghThis article retrieves the ethnic roots that underlie a universalist class ideology. Focusing empirically on the emergence of Bolshevism, it provides biographical analysis of the Russian Revolution's elite, finding that two-thirds were ethnic minorities from across the Russian Empire. After exploring class and ethnicity as intersectional experiences of varying significance to the Bolsheviks' revolutionary politics, this article suggests that socialism's class universalism found affinity with those seeking secularism in response to religious tensions, a universalist politics where ethnic violence and sectarianism were exclusionary, and an ethnically neutral and tolerant "imperial" imaginary where Russification and geopolitics were particularly threatening or imperial cultural frameworks predominated. The claim is made that socialism's class universalism was as much a product of ethnic particularism as it was constituted by it.Most sociology on the Russian Revolution assumes that its leadership was from the Russian intelligentsia and its socialist ideology was a response to the class conflicts and exclusions generated by an autocratic, industrializing Russian state (Moore 1966;Skocpol 1979;McDaniel 1988 American Journal of Sociology 650 tionary elite. And, in a highly distinctive social composition, ethnicity was strongly aligned with class, suggesting that class and ethnicity were intersectional experiences of varying significance in the revolutionary radicalism of the Bolshevik elite. Bolshevism may, therefore, represent an interesting case in the construction of universalist class ideology from ethnic networks and experiences. Whether socialist or liberal, universalist ideologies are usually products not of "citizens of the world," but of very specific material and social conditions (Calhoun 2003). But if the social and political conditions that give rise to and sustain universalist ideas are kept analytically distinct from the ideological content of the universalist projects themselves, then a universalist ideology about classes and class conflict may not necessarily be a response to class conflict alone. Indeed, this article argues that Bolshevism's Russian-inflected class universalism was especially appealing in those social locations across the Russian Empire most affected by ethnic or imperial exclusions. It particularly appealed to those seeking secularism in response to religious tensions, a universalist politics where ethnic violence and sectarianism were exclusionary, and an ethnically neutral and tolerant "imperial" imaginary where geopolitics or R...

This comparative historical sociology of the Bolshevik revolutionaries offers a reinterpretation of political radicalization in the last years of the Russian Empire. Finding that two-thirds of the Bolshevik leadership were ethnic minorities-Ukrainians, Latvians, Georgians, Jews, and others-this book examines the shared experiences of assimilation and socioethnic exclusion that underlay their class universalism. It suggests that imperial policies toward the Empire's diversity radicalized class and ethnicity as intersectional experiences, creating an assimilated but excluded elite: lower-class Russians and middle-class minorities universalized particular exclusions as they disproportionately sustained the economic and political burdens of maintaining the multiethnic Russian Empire. Political exclusions and quasi-assimilated social worlds enabled reinventions, as the Bolsheviks' social identities and routes to revolutionary radicalism show especially how a class-universalist politics was appealing to those seeking secularism in response to religious tensions, a universalist politics in which ethnic and geopolitical insecurities were exclusionary, and a tolerant "imperial" imaginary where Russification and illiberal repressions were most keenly felt.

SUMMARY: В фокусе статьи Лилианы Риги и Джеймса Кеннеди – группа американских интеллектуалов, известных как “The Inquiry” (“расследование”), к которым Президент США Вильсон обратился за экспертной помощью в определении послевоенных границ в Европе на основе принципа национального самоопределения. Таким образом, в статье анализируется восприятие американской интеллектуальной элитой феномена этничности и национальности в Центральной и Восточной Европе начала ХХ века. Авторы реконструируют историю возникновения “The Inquiry” под влиянием прогрессистской идеологии и академических симпатий Вудро Вильсона на фоне прогрессистской политической ориентации на социальные реформы в США. Авторы приходят к выводу, что на эту группу интеллектуалов-экспертов решающее влияние оказали ассимиляторские концепции национального государства, усилившиеся в США под влиянием мощной иммиграционной волны 1870–1914 годов. Национальные группы, заявлявшие о себе в Центральной и Восточной Европе, в глазах американских экспертов имели своих представителей в лице этнических иммигрантских сообществ в США. Однако, как показано в статье, конечные рекомендации “The Inquiry” были гораздо консервативнее пожеланий иммигрантов или логики, вытекавшей из принципа национального самоопределения. Зачастую на определение новых послевоенных границ влиял страх перед Германией и большевиками. Авторы полагают, что в целом послевоенное разграничение Центральной и Восточной Европы отражало идеологические взгляды американских прогрессистов (даже несмотря на влияние соображений в духе Realpolitik ). Несмотря на декларировавшийся либеральный интернационализм американского подхода, прогрессизм “The Inquiry” не был либеральной идеологией, поскольку допускал манипуляцию самоидентификацией национальных групп и верил в возможность ассимиляции этнических различий посредством агрессивной политики нациестроительства.

Refugees can be formed as "subjects" as they navigate forced displacement in countries that are not their own. In particular, everyday life as the politicized Other, and as humanitarianism's depoliticized beneficiary, can constitute them as political subjects. Understanding these produced subjects and subjectivities leads us to conceive of forced displacementor "refugeedom"as a human condition or experience of political (sub)alterity, within which inhere distinctive subjectivations and subjectivities. Drawing on fieldwork in Beirut, Lebanon, we use young Syrian and Iraqi refugees' experiences with everyday racism, violent bullying and racialized discrimination as heuristic lenses with which to see displacement's political subjects and subjectivities. We argue that the young refugees emerge as both political and moral subjects through core and defining struggles withinand againstthese politicizing constraints. We interpret their struggles as ambivalently and dynamically situated within humanitarianism's and racism's subjections and subjectivities. Yet we also found that occasionally the young refugees could eclipse these produced subjectivities to claim repoliticized subjecthoods distinct from those of humanitarianism and outside displacement's normal politics. We interpret these in Rancièrian terms as "political subjectivation." Abstracting our findings, we offer a simple theoretical architecture of refugeedom's subjectivations, subjects, and subjectivities as comprising humanitarianism's rights-bearing or juridical subject; the vulnerable and resilient, innocent and suffering subject; and the Othered or racialized subject, formed through the exclusions of displacement's politicized spaces. But we also conceive refugeedom as a space of values, and so the ground on which moral meaning and significance attach to agency and subjectivity.