This paper uses China's 1990 Census 1% microdata and studies interprovincial migration with reference to a core Chinese socioeconomic institution, the household registration (hukou) system. We first compared the socioeconomic characteristics and geographical patterns of long‐distance hukou and non‐hukou migratory flows, and developed a framework of dual migration circuits. With this framework, we used a statistical model to evaluate migration rates in relation to both origin and destination variables. It was found that these two types of migrants shared some general demographic characteristics, but displayed substantial socioeconomic differences. Hukou migrants tended to originate in urban areas, had an extremely high share of the college‐educated and were employed in more skilled jobs, while non‐hukou migrants were mostly from rural areas with much lower education attainment. Hukou labour migrants tended to move through government and formal channels, while non‐hukou migrants relied on their own, often informal, sources for jobs. We used a set of place‐to‐place migration models to assess the differential effect of the same variables on different types of migration. While hukou and non‐hukou migration (including rural labour migration) were, as expected, deterred by distance and moved mostly to more economically developed coastal provinces, the migration mechanisms and degree of the impact were not the same. Non‐hukou migration rates were tied positively to the migration stock, a process consistent with a networked migration hypothesis, while hukou migration rates were not. Rural labour migrants moved away from provinces of high population pressure to those with more favourable ratios of land per labourer, in line with neoclassical predictions. Hukou migration moved in the opposite direction, reflecting a different set of factors at work. Our analysis indicates that the hukou system remained a relatively powerful institution in structuring migration in the 1980s. The study also illustrates the usefulness and limitations of applying existing migration models in a different sociopolitical context. Copyright © 1999 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Access to screening mammography may be limited by the availability of facilities and machines, and nationwide mammography capacity has been declining. We assessed nationwide capacity at state and county levels from 2003 to 2009, the most recent year for which complete data were available. Using mammography facility certification and inspection data from the Food and Drug Administration, we geocoded all mammography facilities in the United States and determined the total number of fully accredited mammography machines in each US County. We categorized mammography capacity as counties with zero capacity (i.e., 0 machines) or counties with capacity (i.e.,≥1 machines), and then compared those two categories by sociodemographic, health care, and geographic characteristics. We found that mammography capacity was not distributed equally HHS Public Access Author Manuscript Author ManuscriptAuthor ManuscriptAuthor Manuscript across counties within states and that more than 27 % of counties had zero capacity. Although the number of mammography facilities and machines decreased slightly from 2003 to 2009, the percentage of counties with zero capacity changed little. In adjusted analyses, having zero mammography capacity was most strongly associated with low population density (OR = 11.0; 95 % CI 7.7-15.9), low primary care physician density (OR = 8.9; 95 % CI 6.8-11.7), and a low percentage of insured residents (OR = 3.3; 95 % CI 2.5-4.3) when compared with counties having at least one mammography machine. Mammography capacity has been and remains a concern for a portion of the US population-a population that is mostly but not entirely rural.

No abstract

No abstract