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This article is derived from the methodological experiences from a 1-year ethnographic study carried out at Chingwizi among the Tokwe Mukosi displaced persons in Zimbabwe. This followed the unexpected and ultimately contentious disarticulation of over 6,000 Chivi and Mushawasha families from their ancestral land, sources of livelihoods, and social well-being. This study was therefore carried out in the context of a volatile and unpalatable relationship between the state and its functionaries, on the one hand, and the Tokwe Mukosi residents, on the other hand. The protracted conflict between the said actors has unintentionally made the Chingwizi area a very sensitive and protected area in terms of academic research. In this article, we therefore reflect on the ethical and practical dilemmas in studying the marginalized and often traumatized ‘victims’ of this dam project and the subsequent displacement, albeit from an insider’s perspective. Central to our discussions are issues such as the politics of signing forms, gaining entry, informed consent suspicion, and balancing the insider–outsider dilemma in research. The article moves on to look at the practical solutions to the said ethical and practical impediments in studying the marginalized communities in conflict situations. We therefore place emphasis on the significance of reflexivity, identity, and the politics of belonging, which was engrained in the wematongo concept. In addition to a number of strategies used under reflexive ethnography is the significance of social capital.

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Compensation for internally displaced persons (IDPs) is one of the most important ways in which IDPs can be cushioned against multiple forms of insecurity. If conducted timely and impartially, it can increase resilience in the wake of the sudden and often unplanned livelihood-related and social changes that are associated with internal displacement and concomitant vulnerabilities for the displacees. Yet, states have a poor reputation of delaying the compensation of displacees, sometimes indefinitely. Often, displaced communities have to engage in protracted legal and illegal battles with states to get compensation for land and for other valuable and compensable assets. Many such battles never end in the favor of the displacees as delays in compensation erode its value, particularly in countries with hyperinflation, such as Zimbabwe. In this article, we argue for thinking about compensation as a critical component of IDPs’ human security. More precisely, we conceive of compensation as one of the key means of enhancing two forms of human security: food security and housing security.

This paper explores the various strategies that banks in Masvingo are using to lure new clients. It is argued in this paper that the hyper -inflationary environment prior to dollarization of the economy had led to a booming business for most banks engaging in illicit activities like money burning. However, adoption of the dollarization of the economy culminated into a partial decomposition and at worst death of some banks as they struggled to adjust to a new economic dispensation. Findings in this study highlight that banks are embroiled in a subtle scramble for clientele as they try to capitalize on the resuscitated client confidence in the banking sector. It emerged that banks have resorted to provision of lucrative loan deal, use of modern ICTs and engaging in various corporate social responsibility activities to improve their corporate image so as to lure new clients. This study was purely qualitative in nature and adopted a triangulation of data soliciting techniques that included unstructured interviews, Focus group discussions, secondary sources and key informant interviews.