Case records of 683 white-tailed deer (Odocoileus virginianus) submitted to the Southeastern Cooperative Wildlife Disease Study (Georgia, USA) for diagnostic purposes from 1971 to 1989 were reviewed for the occurrence of pyogenic infections of the central nervous system, specifically intracranial abscessation or suppurative meningoencephalitis. These conditions, either alone or in combination, were diagnosed in 24 of 683 (4%) deer. Thirteen genera of bacteria were isolated; the most frequent species was Actinomyces pyogenes. The disease was strongly sex biased (P less than 0.01); 88% of the cases occurred in males. Cases were more prevalent (P less than 0.05) in older bucks; the median age of infected bucks was 3.2 yr, and 71% of these were greater than or equal to 2.5-yr-old. Intracranial abscessation/suppurative meningoencephalitis cases accounted for 20% of the diagnoses among 56 bucks greater than or equal to 3-yr-old. Cases were seasonal, occurring only from October to April. Characteristic necrosis, erosion, and pitting of skull bones were common, and this bone damage may be useful in determining cause of death when only skeletal remains are found. Males, especially older bucks, apparently are predisposed to intracranial abscessation/suppurative meningoencephalitis because of the cycle of antler development and behavioral traits associated with reproduction. The strong bias toward prime age bucks suggests that these infections could specifically hinder management strategies designed to produce populations with older buck age structures.

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This paper draws upon the concept of the home at the personal creation of its occupant, as developed in recent literature, to examine what happens to a home after the death of that occupant. Our central question is: given contemporary meanings attached to home, what happens to a home when the person who created it dies? Does the home die with its creator? Can it survive to become someone else's home? If not, what are the processes through which the death of the home is effected? We examine these questions using empirical data from a recent study of inheritance.

In this paper the extent to which migration of the elderly is linked to changing family living situations is explored. The work described is part of a larger project concerned with the relationship between migration, kinship, and household change. Discussions of the living arrangements of older people have often referred to moves made to join adult children or other relatives. In this paper we use the Household Sample of Anonymised Records to investigate moves of this type. The Sample of Anonymised Records allows the identification of individuals who have joined already existing households within the previous year. We make use of information on people over 65 years in Great Britain who have changed address in the previous year but are now part of a household some of whose members have not moved. This paper is confined to the limited range of information available from the 1991 census but it does allow us to estimate the number of older people making moves of this type, and to identify their age, sex, and marital status, and their relationship to the household they have joined. It is also possible to say something about the households which these people are joining, in terms of tenure and house type, and to describe the distribution of distances moved. Although the data do not allow direct inferences about whether these moves are related to the needs of the old people for care, the census question on limiting long-term illness provides data relevant to this issue.