No abstract

Numerous studies suggest that British society is becoming more Islamophobic, and Muslims, especially youth, in Britain have been its victims. But while there is growing evidence of how they have been targets of explicit and severe instances of Islamophobia, less attention has been focused on how they are also targets of its subtle and implicit forms. The purpose of this paper is to examine how Islamophobia manifests in everyday interactions and how Muslims are racialized from the perspective of one of its supposed victims that has been so far under-researched, i.e., young Turks in Britain. The young Turks’ accounts about themselves and their immediate circle of relatives revealed that Turks in the UK experience Islamophobia, but that it is often enacted during mundane interactions without ever becoming explicit. Visible Turkish-Muslim women, however, are the target of everyday Islamophobia far more than Turkish men and secular women, both of whom do not display any religious signifiers in public places. They face Islamophobia at the intersection of gender and religion. Many Turkish women are racialized through the hijab which is interpreted and described in ways that draw upon a set of symbolic meanings and associations. In addition, contrary to what has been discussed about the Islamophobic experiences of Muslim women in previously conducted studies, the evidence of this research shows that Islamophobia appeared to visible Turkish women more frequently in a more mundane, subtle way.

There are objections to the definition of Islamophobia as a form of racism. Objections center around two main themes of Islamophobia: “Islam” and “Muslims”. Some detractors argue that the former should not be given protection against various debates and criticisms that should be considered legitimate within the scope of freedom of expression. They assert that statements such as “Muhammad is a pedophile and married a nine-year-old girl”, “Islam was spread by the sword” or “Wearing the veil dehumanizes, humiliates and objectifies women” should be considered as theological debates that should be seen as legitimate within the scope of freedom of expression and that these rights of criticism should not be restricted by defining Islamophobia as a form of racism. For others, the latter cannot be considered a racial minority because being a Muslim is a religious identity that is seen as being voluntarily chosen. While this approach regards gender and racial identities as innate or involuntary identity categories, it assumes that being a Muslim is related to one's own will and therefore Muslims need or should have much less legal protection than these other identity categories. This paper argues that definitions other than racism would miss a vital issue, one that helps capture and understand how Muslims and those who are simply perceived as being Muslim are excluded, subordinated, and exploited with reference to phenotypical and cultural differences. This is the issue of racialization of Muslims. This study aims to explore the following questions: What should be the legal limit of freedom of expression? Is it possible to distinguish Islamophobia from reasonable criticism of Muslims and Islam? Does racism really depend on the actual existence of races? If the hostility to Islam and Muslims can be regarded as a form of racism, then, what kind of racism might it be? What are its specific qualities, how does it function? How have Muslims been racialized? To answer these questions, this paper draws on a study of Islamophobia experiences of thirty-nine first and second-generation young Turks aged between 18-35 in London in 2019. I aimed to recruit respondents that were diverse enough to represent the variation known to exist in the Turkish community of London. I selected the semi-structured in-depth interview method as the means by which the data would be collected. I employed thematic analysis to identify and analyse patterns of meaning in the dataset. This study has made clear that Muslims are racialized not based on biological or phenotypical features, but also ethnic and cultural features. I argue that making sweeping generalizations is more likely to be Islamophobic. One should have the right to critique ideologies and religions, but the manner and decorum in which individuals express themselves are vital. The speech should not intentionally demonize a religion, or humiliate, devalue, or stigmatize a diverse group of people. Moreover, being Muslim is not a racial identity reflects the idea that race is the pre-condition for racism and confines racism to a narrow understanding. Every racism, whether biological or cultural, is cultural in its essence and the main target is cultural, social, and religious differences attributed to bodies (individuals). Therefore, perceived religious affiliation rather than religion itself is at the center of anti-Muslim racism. Regardless of physical appearance, nationality, ethnicity, or economic situation, Muslims are homogenized, humiliated, and marginalized through Islamophobic discourse and practices in their daily lives. This article contributes to a better understanding of why Islamophobia should be evaluated as a form of racism. It is hoped that in assessing the discourse and behavior towards Islam and Muslims, the focus will be shifted from everyday political debate or hostility to religion, fear of religion, anti-Muslim hatred, and prejudice to the fact that Muslims are racialized.

In this study, which was conducted to compare the achievement attributions of second-class primary school students to music lessons and different variables, students' attitudes, extracurricular activities, music lesson learning environment, block flute and ability dimensions were examined, and these sub-dimensions were classified and the effects were investigated according to grade level, gender, whether received (amateur) instrument training or not, the idea of success, school and attention. The research, in which the relational scanning model was used, was conducted with 676 students from the 5th, 6th, 7th and 8th grades of primary education, who were selected from the central districts of Gaziantep and were educated in the institutions that provide musical instrument training. As a result of the research, it was understood that students attribute success in music to ability, attitude and music lesson learning environment. However, students' achievement attributions differ significantly according to grade level, gender, the idea of success, school and whether they have received musical instrument training or not. It is seen as a positive situation that students who receive general and sympathetic instrument education attribute their success in music lessons at school to the music lesson learning environment and attitude. It should be perceived as a positive situation that these students, who take general and amateur instrument education, attribute success towards music lessons at school to the music lesson learning environment and attitude because a positive attitude means that the student likes the music lesson, attaches importance to it and is interested. Likewise, the reason for the success attributed to the music lesson learning environment can be interpreted as the interest in the music lesson, the positive approach of the teacher, the endearment of the lesson and the use of appropriate strategies. Keywords: Music lesson, success and failure, second class, primary school, attribution theory.

This article has been reviewed by at least two referees and scanned via a plagiarism software. / Bu makale, en az iki hakem tarafından incelendi ve intihal içermediği teyit edildi.