Abstract. This is the first paper in Russian historiography dedicated to the struggle of left and right groups in the Turkish army on the eve of a military coup on March 12, 1971. By 1970, an alliance of leftist intellectuals and officers was formed, led by the editor of the Devrim newspaper, Dogan Avjioglu and one of the organizers of the 1960 coup, a retired lieutenant general Jemal Madanoglu, received the conditional name of the organization of national revolutionaries. The members of the organization sought to approve the socialist system of the bassist type in the country and outlined the number of military coups March 9, 1971. However, the death of one and the opportunist position of two other leaders of the military wing led to the failure of the attempt of a leftist coup. On the contrary, on March 12, 1971, a right-wing military coup took place in Turkey. In the course of subsequent repressions, a powerful blow was dealt to the left groups in the army and in Turkish society as a whole. In an effort to end the repression and achieve consensus in society, moderately leftist forces led by B. Ejevit entered into a coalition with their opponents religious conservatives led by N. Erbakan.
The purpose of this scientific article is to consider the specifics of development, some improvement of the modern reflection of the criminal law protection of the forest in the domestic criminal legislation.The following methods were used in the work: dialectical, logical, formal-legal, comparative-historical and many others.On the basis of the study, it is stated that it is the indication of the “damage” caused by the offenses we are considering that serves as a fundamental criterion for distinguishing crimes from related acts. Since otherwise, as it was before the recent change in Art. 261 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation, for law enforcement agencies there was a problem of clearly distinguishing the nature of the unlawful act committed by the guilty person.The domestic legislator is pointed out the need to analyze the correctness of his definition of the object applicable to the act reflected in Art. 191 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation.
The scientific article emphasizes that the world’s biological diversity is constantly declining. As a result, both the international and national levels adopt regulatory legal acts aimed at preserving such diversity. Moreover, special attention is paid to the protection of biological diversity with the help of criminal law. Thus, the regulation of the above social relations implies a special specificity, because their protection cannot be carried out with the help of other branches of law, and an encroachment on them poses a public danger. It is emphasized that the domestic legislator is searching for optimal mechanisms for protecting the environment from criminal encroachments, as evidenced by the changes made to Ch. 26 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation. At the same time, attention is drawn to the fact that the criminal law protection of ecology developed gradually in domestic law.
The scientific article focuses on the peculiarities of Russia's interaction with the states of the post-Soviet space in the historical perspective and at the present stage. The positions of both Russian and foreign researchers are evaluated. The main concept of the study is the idea that interstate interaction within the post-Soviet space should be based on a balance of interests and mutual benefit. It is emphasized that the term «post-Soviet space» was introduced by the Lithuanian political scientist A. Prazauskas. There is no single position among researchers on the question of its use nowadays: some believe that there is no such historical and political phenomenon as the post-Soviet space, while others believe that at the present stage it is impossible to talk about the existence of the post-Soviet space in its original form, since this term has already acquired a historical character, and others emphasize his attention is focused on the fact that it is quite justified to use this scientific construction at the present time when describing modern relations between Russia and neighboring countries. At the same time, the authors of this scientific article, by comparing different opinions on the phenomenon of the post-Soviet space, form their own point of view, considering the use of this scientific construction justified. Such a judgment is argued by the fact that the socio-economic, political and cultural ties of the countries of the former USSR, which have their roots far back in the past, are the foundation of close relations between the studied states. Therefore, it is still important for the Russian Federation to have and maintain good diplomatic relations with countries that were previously part of the Soviet Union, because this refers to the strategic zone of interests of the Russian state. At the same time, the Russian Federation should not allow destabilization in the region (as may be indicated by the recent use of CSTO forces in Kazakhstan or a little earlier in Nagorno-Karabakh, and currently conducting a military special operation on the territory of Ukraine to protect Donbass).
In the 1970s, Turkey was in a state of political turbulence. Weak coalition governments changed frequently and could not bring order to the country. The city streets turned into an arena of battles for various armed radical groups of nationalist, communist, Islamist and separatist persuasions. For 9 years from 1971 to 1980, 10 governments changed in Turkey. The political crisis was accompanied by an economic downturn, expressed in hyperinflation and an increase in external debt. Chaos and anarchy caused discontent among Turkish financial circles and generals with the situation in the country and led to the idea of a military coup, already the third in the republican history of Turkey. The US State Department was extremely concerned about the situation in Turkey, hoping to find a reliable cover against further exports of communism and Islamism to the Middle East, approving the possibility of a coup. The coup was led by the chief of the General Staff K. Evren. Political events of the second half of the 1970s allow us to conclude that, despite the interest of the financial and military circles of the United States in it, the military coup on September 12, 1980 had mainly domestic political reasons.
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