This article draws attention to a trend in which military deployments as part of peacekeeping missions have triggered army mutinies in some West African countries. It explains how participation in peacekeeping missions created new material grievances and a sense of injustice amongst the peacekeepers, which under certain conditions sparked domestic mutinies. These uprisings in West Africa follow a history of military disobedience in the region, and the article places them into the context of long-standing tensions within military organizations. Mutinies often symbolize and intensify divisions within armed forces, which can lead to further instability even after the mutiny is resolved. Therefore, it is important for those interested in building and maintaining effective militaries to understand the ways in which deployments and peacekeeping participation can contribute to unrest within the armed forces. The article draws on interviews with former mutineers, including peacekeepers, and others military personnel in West Africa, as well as media reporting including public statements made by mutineers, academic writings, and archival research.PEACEKEEPING MISSIONS IN AFRICA by the United Nations, regional organizations, and subregional organizations increased dramatically after the end of the Cold War. Between 1990 and 2009 approximately sixty different peacekeeping operations were deployed in Africa and the majority of African states have contributed troops to one or more peacekeeping mission. 1 Although there are a wide variety of types of peace operations, the overall goal of peacekeeping is to help create the conditions in which conflicts can be managed and ultimately resolved. However, there has been a growing awareness of unintended consequences of these missions, some of which threaten to undermine the goals of the peace operations. 2 Scholars and international organizations have raised awareness regarding peacekeeper involvement in sexual exploitation, trading in conflict minerals, and arms trafficking, while studies on peacekeeping economies have noted rises in commodity prices and disparities of incomes related to peacekeeping missions. 3 This article identifies and examines an unintended consequence of peacekeeping missions that has not yet received attention: peacekeeping-related mutinies. While peacekeepers are meant to contribute to the resolution of foreign conflicts, a pattern of mutinies following peacekeeping missions indicates that at times their participation can lead to new grievances and exacerbate existing tensions within the contributing country's military. Thus, peacekeeping abroad may contribute to new problems at home bases.

This article expands our understanding of the objectives of mutinies through an analysis of trends in tactics. It explores actions within mutinies through a review of 66 cases of mutiny from 1960 to 2012 in West and Central Africa. Despite wide variations in context among these mutinies, there are remarkable similarities in the tactics used by mutineers in the region and across time. These commonalities challenge the popular image of African mutinies as chaotic or devoid of strategy. The article demonstrates that the most common tactics used by mutineers in West and Central Africa all serve to open a dialogue with leadership and provide a platform for soldiers to vocalize their expectations in an environment that intentionally stifles the voices of the junior members. It suggests mutiny be viewed as an act of communication rather than merely a form of insubordination.

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This research explores a classic predicament of authoritarian leaders—the need for a strong security force to deter opposition alongside a fear of the threats that a strong force could pose. By providing a unique view into the security services in The Gambia under President Jammeh (1994–2017), it argues that fostering uncertainty was the key tool in maintaining control of the armed forces. It situates this approach in the context of wider theories of institutional arbitrariness. The research demonstrates how unpredictability was operationalized through multiple, overlapping practices targeting both the structural level and routine aspects of military life. It also looks at international opportunities as an avenue to mitigate some of the negative effects of pervasive uncertainty in the forces. The research provides new insights into the internal dynamics of state security forces by drawing on data newly available after The Gambia’s democratic political transition of 2017. This includes interviews with members of the forces, testimonies from the Truth, Reconciliation, and Reparation Commission (TRRC), court martial transcripts, and other government reports.