According to the literature, negations such as "not" or "don't" reduce the accessibility in memory of the concepts under their scope. Moreover, negations applied to action contents (e.g., "don't write the letter") impede the activation of motor processes in the brain, inducing "disembodied" representations. These facts provide important information on the behavioral and neural consequences of negations. However, how negations themselves are processed in the brain is still poorly understood. In two electrophysiological experiments, we explored whether sentential negation shares neural mechanisms with action monitoring or inhibition. Human participants read action-related sentences in affirmative or negative form ("now you will cut the bread" vs "now you will not cut the bread") while performing a simultaneous Go/NoGo task. The analysis of the EEG rhythms revealed that theta oscillations were significantly reduced for NoGo trials in the context of negative sentences compared with affirmative sentences. Given the fact that theta oscillations are often considered as neural markers of response inhibition processes, their modulation by negative sentences strongly suggests that negation uses neural resources of response inhibition. We propose a new approach that views the syntactic operator of negation as relying on the neural machinery of high-order action-monitoring processes.

This study used a dual-task paradigm to analyze the time course of motor resonance during the comprehension of action language. In the study, participants read sentences describing a transfer either away from ("I threw the tennis ball to my rival") or toward themselves ("My rival threw me the tennis ball"). When the transfer verb appeared on the screen, and after a variable stimulus onset asynchrony (SOA), a visual motion cue (Experiment 1) or a static cue (Experiment 2) prompted participants to move their hand either away from or toward themselves to press a button. The results showed meaning-action interference at short SOAs and facilitation at the longest SOA for the matching conditions. These results support the hypothesis that motor processes associated with the comprehension of action-related language interfere with an overlapping motor task, whereas they facilitate a delayed motor task. These effects are discussed in terms of resonance processes in the motor cortex.

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Participants' ability to track the protagonist's position and surroundings, during continuous reading, was investigated. In Experiment 1, participants read passages involving either inside-outside or top-down topological relations. A typical story described the protagonist interacting with 1 object, which was either consistent or inconsistent with his or her location. The results show that it took longer to read the sentence in the inconsistent condition. Experiments 2-5 used recognition probe words to test the accessibility of both consistent and inconsistent objects. The results show that participants did not update the situation model when the last sentences did not mention again any target object (Experiments 2 and 3). However, the mention of an object by means of an ambiguous pronoun triggers the updating of the situation to resolve the antecedent. The updating starts immediately after reading the pronoun, and the target still remains activated at the end of the sentence (Experiments 4 and 5). The overall results establish boundary conditions for mental model updating.

The morphological structure of words, in terms of their stem morphemes and affixes, could influence word access and representation in lexical memory. Three experiments were carried out to explore the attributes of event-related potentials evoked by different types of priming. Morphological priming, with pairs of words related by their stem (hijo/hija [ son/ daughter]), produced a sustained attenuation (and even a tendency to positivity) of the N400 shown by unrelated words across the three experiments. Homographic priming (Experiment 1), using pairs of words with a superficially similar stem, but without morphological or semantic relation (foco/foca [floodlight/seal]), produced an initial attenuation similar to the morphological pairs, but which rapidly tended to form a delayed N400, due to the impossibility of integration. However, orthographic priming (rasa/rana [flat/frog]) in Experiment 2 does not produce attenuation of the N400 but an effect similar to that of unrelated pairs. Experiment 3 shows that synonyms advance more slowly than morphological pairs to meaning coherence, but finally produce a more positive peak around 600 msec.