The nature and extent of treated health problems in patients with problems related to the use of alcohol and drugs (including both licit and illicit drugs) were compared with the morbidity levels of all patients treated for all conditions in Canada. The morbidity experience of all patients with alcohol or drug (A/D) diagnoses treated as inpatients (n = 52,200 cases) in all Ontario hospitals in 1985-1986 (based on Hospital Medical Records Institute [HMRI] data) was compared with that of the total population of all inpatients treated in all Canadian hospitals using age-sex standardized morbidity ratios (SMR) and adjusting for multiple diagnoses. Of A/D cases, 32% were admitted with a primary A/D diagnosis and 68% with a secondary A/D diagnosis; 17% of A/D cases had multiple A/D diagnosis. On average, cases with a primary A/D diagnosis had 29% more diagnoses per case than all cases treated in Ontario. SMRs were highest for cases with diagnoses relating to the use or misuse of licit drugs (SMR = 13.32 and 3.51 for those with primary and secondary drug diagnoses, respectively), intermediate for illicit drug cases (SMR = 8.87 vs. 4.74 for primary and secondary diagnoses, respectively), and lowest for patients with alcohol diagnoses (SMR = 6.68 and 4.12 for primary and secondary diagnoses, respectively). Excess morbidity for alcohol cases affected more diagnostic categories and body systems, being at a higher level than for drug cases. Alcohol or drug cases had particularly high SMRs for mental disorders, infectious and parasitic conditions, and injury and poisoning diagnoses. Alcohol or drug cases had reduced reproductive morbidity: for complications of pregnancy, childbirth, and the puerperium, SMR = 0.04 to 0.24 for cases with primary A/D diagnoses and SMR = 0.12 to 0.89 for those with secondary A/D diagnoses. Cases with drug diagnoses had a considerable reduction in SMR for certain conditions originating in the perinatal period: SMR = 0.0 for cases with primary drug diagnoses and SMR = 0.0 for secondary illicit drug diagnoses cases and SMR = 0.18 for secondary licit drug diagnoses cases.

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Drunk driving is one of the more serious negative consequences of alcohol consumption. Since consumption of alcohol is sensitive to the price of alcohol, and the occurrence of drunk driving is sensitive to the level of alcohol consumption, the possibility exists for alcohol pricing policies to be used to reduce drunk driving in the population. This paper reviews the evidence on this possibility in the literature and adds results based on data from the Canadian province of Ontario. Multiple regression analysis of time series data for Ontario from 1972 to 1990 indicate that, controlling for income, the proportion of young males in the population, changes in the minimum drinking age, and other confounding variables, increasing the price of alcohol has a significant effect in reducing alcohol-related motor vehicle accidents (elasticity = - 1.2, p < .05) and alcohol-related traffic offenses (elasticity = -0.50, p < .05). Overall, the evidence strongly supports the view that alcohol tax and pricing policies can be used to reduce the extent of drunk driving.

Those who work in the addiction field usually use the pharmacological or medical model, psychological theories of behavior, or operate within the confines of a criminal justice perspective. Contributions from the field of sociology are limited to use of the methods of sociological investigations, primarily population surveys, which, typically, are used to identify groups at-risk for specific types of drug use. Surveys have identified illicit drug use as, predominantly, a problem of young males, whereas prescription drug use is predominantly a problem of middle-aged and older women in industrialized countries. Experts in addiction have accused sociologists who study addiction of being "atheoretical." Paradoxically, in the sociology field, the most highly cited article is Merton's theory of addiction. This article will examine the contributions of sociological theory to our understanding of addiction, including social definitions of "the problem of addiction" and mechanisms to account for individual drug use within a social context that defines it as problematic.