Multilinguals have to control their languages constantly to produce accurate verbal output. They have to inhibit possible lexical competitors not only from the target language, but also from non-target languages. Bilinguals’ training in inhibiting incongruent or irrelevant information has been used to endorse the so-called bilingual advantage in executive functions, assuming a transfer effect from language inhibition to domain-general inhibitory skills. Recent studies have suggested that language control may rely on language-specific inhibitory control mechanisms. In the present study, unbalanced highly proficient bilinguals completed a rapid naming multi-inhibitory task in two languages. The task assessed three types of inhibitory processes: inhibition of the non-target language, inhibition of lexical competitors, and inhibition of erroneous auditory feedback. The results showed an interaction between lexical competition and erroneous auditory feedback, but no interactions with the inhibition of the non-target language. The results suggested that different subcomponents of language inhibition are involved during bilingual language production.

The current study examines how monolingual children and bilingual children with languages that are orthotactically similar and dissimilar learn novel words depending on their characteristics. We contrasted word learning for words that violate or respect the orthotactic legality of bilinguals’ languages investigating the impact of the similarity between those two languages. In Experiment 1, three groups of children around the age of 12 were tested: monolinguals, Spanish–Basque bilinguals (orthotactically dissimilar languages), and Spanish–Catalan bilinguals (orthotactically similar languages). After an initial word-learning phase, they were tested in a recognition task. While Spanish monolinguals and Spanish–Catalan bilingual children recognized illegal words worse than legal words, Spanish–Basque bilingual children showed equal performance in learning illegal and legal patterns. In Experiment 2, a replication study was conducted with two new groups of Spanish–Basque children (one group with high Basque proficiency and one group with a lower proficiency) and results indicated that the effects were not driven by the proficiency in the second language, as a similar performance on legal and illegal patterns was observed in both groups. These findings suggest that word learning is not affected by bilingualism as such, but rather depends on the specific language combinations spoken by the bilinguals.

Acquiring a second alphabetic language also entails learning a new set of orthographic rules and specific patterns of grapheme combinations (namely, the orthotactics). The present longitudinal study aims to investigate whether orthotactic sensitivity changes over the course of a second language learning program. To this end, a group of Spanish monolingual old adults completed a Basque language learning course. They were tested in different moments with a language decision task that included pseudowords that could be Basque-marked, Spanish-marked or neutral. Results showed that the markedness effect varied as a function of second language acquisition, showing that learning a second language changes the sensitivity not only to the orthographic patterns of the newly acquired language, but to those of the native language too. These results demonstrate that the orthographic representations of the native language are not static and that experience with a second language boosts markedness perception in the first language.

How do bilingual readers of languages that have similar scripts identify a language switch? Recent behavioral and electroencephalographic results suggest that they rely on orthotactic cues to recognize the language of the words they read in ambiguous contexts. Previous research has shown that marked words with language-specific letter sequences (i.e., letter sequences that are illegal in one of the two languages) are recognized more easily and faster than unmarked words. The aim of this study was to investigate sensitivity to markedness throughout childhood and early adulthood by using a speeded language decision task with words and pseudowords. A large group of Spanish-Basque bilinguals of different ages (children, preteenagers, teenagers and adults) was tested. Results showed a markedness effect in the second language across all age groups that changed with age. However, sensitivity to markedness in the native language was negligible. We conclude that sensitivity to orthotactics does not follow parallel developmental trend in the first and second language.

20Bilinguals may be better than monolinguals at word learning due to their increased 21 experience with language learning. In addition, bilinguals that have languages that are 22 orthotactically different could be more used to dissimilar orthotactic patterns. The current 23 study examines how bilinguals with languages that are orthotactically similar and dissimilar 24 and monolinguals learn novel words that violate or respect the orthotactic legality of the 25 languages they know and how this learning may be affected by the similarity between the 26 bilinguals' two languages. In Experiment 1, three groups of children were tested: monolinguals, 27Spanish-Basque bilinguals (dissimilar orthotactic languages), and Spanish-Catalan bilinguals 28(similar orthotactic languages). After an initial word learning phase, they were tested in a recall 29 task and a recognition task. Results showed that Spanish-Basque bilingual children performed 30 differently than the other two groups. While Spanish monolinguals and Spanish-Catalan 31 bilinguals recognized illegal words worse than legal words, Spanish-Basque bilinguals showed 32 equal performance in learning illegal and legal patterns. A replication study conducted with 33 two new groups of Spanish-Basque children (one group with high Basque proficiency and one 34 group with a lower proficiency) indicated that the effects were not driven by the proficiency in 35 the second language since a similar performance on legal and illegal patterns was observed in 36 both groups. In Experiment 2, two groups of adults, monolinguals and Spanish-Basque 37 bilinguals, were tested with the same task used in Experiment 1. The effect seen in children 38 seems to be absent in adults. Spanish-Basque bilingual adults showed better overall learning 39 performance than monolinguals, irrespective of the illegality of the items. Differences between 40 groups could be due to the effect of having acquired literacy and linguistic competence. 41 2 | P a g e 42