The international community currently favours an approach to development that stresses a triangular linkage between security, good governance and economic development. This approach clearly informs the European Union's agenda in Africa, which has progressively integrated governance and security elements. This paper will show that this agenda is at least as much determined by the bureaucratic and national affiliations of the concerned EU actors as it is by African realities and international trends. African security indeed triggers a competition between the different European institutions, eager to be the driving force for a policy that can offer some additional resources and autonomy. The consistency and the credibility of the EU security policy in Africa will therefore depend on the responses provided to these institutional rivalries.

In this article, the author reflects on how she and her students were able to draw on elements of popular culture to develop their understanding of Africa's international relations. The article shows, in particular, how the use of popular culture material has, as the relevant pedagogical literature suggests, strengthened student engagement and deepened their learning experience, notably by offering them greater freedom in their analysis and interpretation of the ideas and issues studied in class. Most importantly, the use of popular culture has helped them consider the very wide range of voices and views on Africa, its politics and international relations, but also apprehend popular culture as a political arena -one where political images and ideas are shaped that durably inform and influence international relations and politics.

International audienceThe procedures of forced displacement in Hồ Chí Minh City are called « land recovery » or « land liberation » and partake of a complex urban land history, where informal uses of land plots have been a constant. Analysing the evolution of these procedures since the reforms of the end of the 1980’s offers an original perspective on the legislative and institutional renewal of the “socialist market economy” in Việt Nam. The implementation of contemporary urban projects is inevitably facing the lack of available land as well as the intricacies of the inhabitants’ different administrative and legal statuses. Therefore, the forced displacement of inhabitants is an inevitable step for every urban renewal project. But the cost of these procedures and the complexity of their implementation are now a major cause for debate. New urban stakeholders are finally taking part in a game that used to be strictly limited to state actors. During the last two decades, not only have the procedures of forced displacement evolved, but their goals and the type of populations concerned have also changed.Les procédures de déplacements forcés à Hồ Chí Minh Ville sont désignées localement sous les vocables de « récupération » ou de « libération » de la terre et s’inscrivent dans une histoire foncière complexe, où le recours à l’occupation informelle de terrains fut une constante. L’analyse de l’évolution de ces procédures depuis les réformes de la fin des années 1980 permet d’offrir une lecture originale du renouveau législatif et institutionnel du Việt Nam « socialiste à économie de marché ». L’implantation des projets urbains contemporains se heurte en effet immanquablement à l’absence de terrains disponibles et à la complexité des différents statuts administratifs et juridiques de leurs occupants. Déplacer les habitants constitue alors un passage obligé du renouvellement urbain. Mais le coût de ces procédures, et la difficulté croissante de leur mise en œuvre, commence à faire véritablement débat avec l’entrée en jeu de nouveaux acteurs, dans un domaine originellement contrôlé par les seuls acteurs étatiques. En deux décennies, ce ne sont pas seulement les procédures de déplacements forcés qui ont évolué mais également leurs objectifs et le type de population concernée

Sub-Saharan Africa, although not among Europe's closest neighbours, has, over the past decade, increasingly been perceived as a source of threats to Europe's security. This article will attempt to outline European perceptions of African security and justice issues and how these perceptions have in turn influenced the EU's policies in Africa. Specific attention will be given here to Guinea-Bissau, which is a particularly interesting and illustrative case study, as this small country in West Africa has attracted considerable European engagement in such fields as illegal immigration, counter-terrorism, drug-combating and security sector reform. This European engagement through different, at times uncoordinated and overlapping, channels does not always make for a consistent approach and underlines a profound gap between what has come to be a generally accepted diagnostic -that international insecurity is caused, or at least facilitated, by weak states -and the remedies applied by the EU. While Europe increasingly perceives Africa's weak governance as a security threat, it remains unwilling to engage politically and on a longerterm basis on the continent.