The social dimensions of economic integration have become an increasingly significant feature of trade agreements, particularly those between developing countries. In the Brazilian case trade-related labour standards have not become a major feature outside of the regional organization Mercosur (Common Market of the South), yet we know relatively little about the reasons for this discrepancy. Paradoxically one of the main stakeholders in this debate, Brazilian trade unions, has broadly supported social and labour clauses in the regional context but union activists have opposed labour provisions in trade negotiations between asymmetric partners. A comparative analysis of the labour campaigns in Mercosur and the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) negotiations explains this ambiguity in terms of Brazilian labour strategies towards free trade negotiations and explores their implications for evaluations of labour attitudes to trade-related labour standards in developing countries. The labour movement's own conflicting perspectives on the trade-labour connection are a key explanation of these outcomes, reinforcing the need for a greater appreciation of the complexity of trade union views in the debate on labour standards.
the Brazilian presidential elections had an unprecedented result: Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, a former metalworker and the leader of the Workers' party (originally founded by labor leaders in 1979), was elected president. This unusual result was partly a reflection of a gradual shift within the Brazilian labor movement from radical socialism as a political objective to more pragmatic political and economic strategies. In this article I will examine this strategic change in the Brazilian labor movement, still a major constituent of the Partido dos Trabalhadores (Workers' party-PT), and demonstrate that increasing political moderation has become a feature of the Brazilian left. First, I will show that Brazilian labor unions have adopted a broad view of their potential constituency and the interests they represent based on a broader conception of class and a recognition of the labor movement's strong connections with other social movements. I will go on to show that while the early strategies of Brazilian labor unions were characterized by strikes and mobilization, the momentum for strikes declined during the 1990s and this forced the labor movement to rethink its position and consider new strategies. Finally, I will argue that Lula's election in 2002 is evidence of major political success for the Workers'party and its supporters but several of the earlier tensions and disagreements remain.
THE NEW UNIONISM IN THE BRAZILIAN CONTEXTDuring the military dictatorship in Brazil (1964Brazil ( -1985, the reemergence of opposition forces, beginning in the early 1970s, provided the context for a 31 Marieke Riethof is a lecturer in politics and international studies at the University of Warwick. Her research focuses on the responses of Brazilian trade unions to economic reforms and on the changing role of the Brazilian state. Her publications include Labour Relations in Development (edited with Alex Fernández Jilberto, 2002) and several articles on the political economy of Latin America.
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