Using the case-study of the Marš Mira, a peace march to commemorate the Srebrenica genocide of July 1995, this article explores how practices of memorialization of genocide and resistance against denial of genocide intersect, in order to gain more insight into the challenges post-conflict societies face. The march retraces the steps that the Bosniak men and boys took while fleeing the Serb army after the fall of the Srebrenica enclave. It is a powerful means of commemorating the genocide and, as such, highlights the importance of space within memorialization. Simultaneously, walking the march serves as an act of resistance to Serb narratives of denial. We argue that resistance against genocide denial and memorialization of the genocide are intricately interwoven in the incentives of Bosniaks participating in the annual Marš Mira, and that they manifest themselves in the use of the landscape in which the march takes place. Through an analysis of four incentives for walking the Marš Mira, we shed light on the challenges that Serb denialism poses to the ability of the Bosniak community to deal with the past of the Srebrenica genocide.
By building on existing research, this entry discusses the controversial concept of a youth gang and with that the presence of youth gang violence. In doing so, a specific focus on Honduras is applied. Three different approaches are used to provide a comprehensive overview of the existing academic research on gangs: a conceptual approach, a society-wide approach, and a community approach. Consequently, the entry is divided following the three approaches. Using a conceptual approach, the issues and problems in developing a definition of a gang, and with that of gang violence, are examined. Despite controversy, a number of common gang criteria are prolific in the existing academic gang literature, and four of the most common criteria are presented and elaborated upon in this entry: a collective identity, high levels of violence, youth membership, and urban activity. Subsequently, the society-wide approach is used to explain the presence of youth gangs in Honduras. It becomes clear that to explain gang presence in a specific setting, it is important to take various contextual levels into account, among others the global, regional, and national context. Lastly, building on existing ethnographical research, the community approach discusses the influence of youth gangs on the everyday life in Honduras. In doing so, the four common gang criteria are used to determine gang presence on a community level.
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