This study illuminates how social reality affects in-group favoritism in group perceptions. Members of two student associations (which were expected to have differential status) as well as nonmembers participated in this study (total N = 103). Participants rated the perceived status of the two groups and indicated to what extent they identified with each group. They also rated the two groups on typical and nontypical traits and evaluated these traits. In support of predictions, members of the group with lower perceived status displayed more in-group-favoring biases than members of the group with higher perceived status. However, biased ratings did not violate consensual definitions of social reality as indicated by nonmembers. The observed biases correlated substantially with participants' group identifications.

Relative deprivation theory and social justice theory are applied in a study of grievance formation in South Africa. We hypothesized that grievance formation is affected by objective conditions (race and class) and subjective conditions (comparisons with others and across time, trust in government, and perceived influence on government). Between 1994 and 1998 we annually interviewed separate samples of South Africans. Our findings suggest that people's sense of grievance has become less related to race than to class. Furthermore, we found an interplay of the two kinds of comparisons in the formation of grievances. Depending on the comparison made and on the outcome of that comparison, it appears that people find it either easy or difficult to cope with a low living standard. These assessments are further qualified by trust in and influence on government. Trust and influence make people optimistic about the future and therefore more inclined to believe that their situation will improve. The apartheid policies of the pre-1994 South African government resulted in a deeply divided society (Sisk 1995). Racial cleavages ran through every sector of society: South Africans were classified as either black, colored, Indian, or white. This classification in turn determined one's life chances: where one was allowed to live, with whom one was allowed to associate, where one was allowed to go to school, the kind of work one could get, the church to which one belonged. Apartheid politics had imposed race upon the South Africans as the overpowering identity (Marx 1998). Africans (blacks) occupied the lowest status of all four categories; the coloreds were next lowest, the Indians were next highest. The whites reserved the highest status in South African society for themselves.

Background: Intake of micronutrient-rich foods among children aged 6 to 23 months in Nairobi is low. Objective: This study aimed to assess existing coverage and utilization of micronutrient powders (MNPs), fortified staples, and iodized salt among children aged 6 to 23 months prior to implementation of an MNP program. Methods: A cross-sectional survey among caregivers of children aged 6 to 23 months (n ¼ 618) was implemented in 7 neighborhoods within Nairobi County, representing the implementation area of the new MNP program. Results: Results for MNP coverage and utilization showed 28.5% of all caregivers were aware of MNP, 18.5% had ever received MNP for their child, and 10.8% had fed MNP to their child in the previous 7 days. Effective coverage (ie, the child had been given the MNP at least 3 times in the previous 7 days) was 5.8%. Effective coverage of infants and young children with poor feeding practices was significantly lower as compared to those with non-poor feeding practices (coverage ratio, 0.34; confidence interval, 0.12-0.70). Most households purchased iodized salt (96.9%), fortified oil (61.0%), and fortified maize flour (93.9%). An estimated 23.9% of vitamin A requirements of children (6-23 months) were provided from fortified oil and 50.7% of iron from fortified maize flour. Most households consumed processed milk (81%).

In fall 1994 South Africa was preparing for its first nonracial, democratic elections. Uncertainty about the future characterized the political and social climate. Would the ANC be capable of governing? What would the conservative white population do? Would Buthulezi's Inkatha Freedom Party participate? Would violence continue? This article examines how, in a situation of maximum uncertainty, optimism or pessimism about the future influenced willingness to protest. Using random samples of Africans (n=1252) and whites (n=600), interviews were conducted in the weeks before the elections. Among African respondents, optimism/pessimism moderated the impact that feelings of relative deprivation, mistrust in government, and perceived lack of influence on government had on the reported intention to participate in militant protest. Concerning moderate collective action, differing expectations for the future only changed the correlation between perceived influence and willingness to participate. Except for dissatisfaction among white respondents, optimism/pessimism affected the correlations for both moderate and militant protest. Among whites, dissatisfaction was not related to preparedness for moderate action, irrespective of expectations for the future. The results are interpreted in terms of social justice and relative deprivation theories.

This article examines the social reintegration of demobilized members of the armed forces into South African society within the context of limited government resources and a lack of planning for such reintegration. This paper suggests a number of innovative ways in which both government and private enterprise can contribute toward the social reintegration of demobilized members of the armed forces without spending too much. One of the main recommendations in the article is that current policies should shift away from “transforming” or modernizing/rationalizing security institutions towards redressing the situation of those who were adversely affected and those who will still be negatively affected between now and the conclusion of the demobilization process. Particular attention should be paid to those who remain jobless or poverty-stricken, since a potential security threat lies with these disgruntled demobilized personnel.