The goal of this study is to analyze the ideological positions of Hispanic college students in the U.S. Rio Grande Valley (RGV). Building on Feldman and Johnston’s work, where they argue that a unidimensional model of political ideology provides an incomplete basis for study, we employ two dimensions to account for domestic policy preference. The core of the study is a taxonomic analysis of a survey of RGV college students taking government courses, where we find that the political beliefs of Hispanic millennials trend significantly more conservative and, especially, libertarian than expected. Possible implications for the future include a realignment of Hispanics with the Republican Party, a shift in a more libertarian direction within the Democratic Party itself, or an increase in younger Hispanics’ proclivity for independence from the two major parties. Our findings conform to Feldman and Johnston’s argument that the economic and social dimensions of political ideology are separate and distinct, making it essential that researchers analyze both dimensions in order to have an accurate and comprehensive understanding of individuals’ political ideology. In addition, using recent American National Election Studies (ANES) data sets, we compare how our samples are different from the general U.S. population, employing a principal component analysis (PCA).

The theories and evidence about relationships between democracy and social spending in Latin America are highly contested. A recent study shows that collective protest by organized labor effectively increases social security and welfare spending, whereas mass protest does not have comparable effects on human capital spending in Latin American democracies. This article reexamines the analysis and demonstrates that organized labor alone cannot sway democratic governments. Labor strikes require the synchronizing effect of mass protest to obtain government concessions. Only through concurrent episodes of mass protest can organized labor overcome the numerical disadvantage of pressing democratic government for social welfare spending. In understanding the relationship between labor protests and social welfare spending through the lens of insider-outsider dichotomy, it is critical to consider the synchronizing effect of mass protests. The findings remain robust with alternative measures of democracy and various model specifications.

This study takes a cultural approach to examine the unstable and contentious nature of Korean democracy. Analyzing an original nationwide survey conducted in 2015, we find that the democratic and participatory culture of the Korean people underlies Korean democracy. This finding suggests substantial tension between the participatory orientation of the public and Korean representative democracy.

This study examines how the interplay between racial diversity and economic inequality affects variations of social capital in the U.S. counties. In general, racial and economic heterogeneity is assumed to provide a negative environment for the growth of social capital. Building on this, we argue the effect of economic inequality is weaker than that of racial diversity because increased economic heterogeneity is felt less visibly and acutely than racial heterogeneity. Moreover, economic inequality can positively condition the adverse impact of racial diversity on social capital when the two interact. Based on the crosscutting cleavages theory, income inequality in a racially fragmented community works as an additional cleavage that crosscuts the different racial groups, mitigating the negative impact of racial diversity on social capital. The data analysis of 3,140 U.S. counties in 2009-2014 provides strong evidence for our arguments. Our findings offer important implications in understanding inequality, race and American democracy.

Recently, there has been a surge of national attention toward the U.S.-Mexican border in South Texas, known as the Rio Grande Valley (RGV). Despite the attention and potential impact, which the wall would directly have on the RGV community, there has been no systemic attention paid to the opinions of the RGV residents regarding the proposed wall and other related immigration policies. This article, therefore, aims to fill this gap by comparing immigration policy attitudes in the borderland communities to both the national Hispanic and the general national populations. By utilizing original data from an RGV public opinion survey we conducted in 2018, our analysis shows that RGV residents hold more lenient immigration attitudes than do both the national Hispanic and the general populations. We utilize logistic regression analysis to further our understanding of the correlates of these attitudes across different samples. Our findings provide important policy and political implications.