28Access to data is a critical feature of an efficient, progressive, and ultimately self-correcting 29 scientific ecosystem. But the extent to which in-principle benefits of data sharing are realized 30 in practice is unclear. Crucially, it is largely unknown whether published findings can be 31 reproduced by repeating reported analyses upon shared data ("analytic reproducibility"). To by poor access to research data [7][8][9][10][11][12][13][14]. Furthermore, even when data are shared, inadequate 57 documentation and formatting can render them unusable [10]. Thus, whilst data sharing has 58 many benefits in principle, the extent to which they are being realized in practice is unclear. 59Crucially, whether data access enables independent verification of analytic reproducibility is 60 largely unknown. 61Any investigation of data sharing utility faces an immediate impediment: research data 62 are typically not available. The policies of journals and professional societies, such as the 63The American Psychological Association, often fall short of imposing mandatory data 64 sharing requirements on researchers, and merely recommend that data be "available upon 65 request", if they make any recommendation at all [7,15]. In the absence of stringent 66 community norms or regulations, scientific claims are regularly published without public 67 release of the research data upon which they are based [7,9,14]. Post-publication efforts to 68 obtain data directly from authors frequently go unanswered, or are refused [11][12][13] 87Even when data are available, and in-principle reusable, the extent to which they In the present investigation, we sought to examine the state of data availability, 99 reusability, and analytic reproducibility within a sub-field of psychology. We capitalized on should be shared in a form that enables reuse and analytic reproducibility [24]. 140We are not aware of any pertinent co-interventions occurring during the assessment 2 Note that by "submitted" we technically mean that the article was formally logged at the journal following author submission. Cognition refers to this as the "received date" in article headers. 197In order to estimate the causal effect of the policy independent of any contemporary however, when time is the variable determining the point of discontinuity, the more commonly used terminology is "interrupted time series", which we employ here. Also note that we did not pre-specify the details of this analysis, such as the exact model specification. 4 We visually inspected the density of DAS inclusion over time and find no evidence that articles were preferentially submitted just before the deadline. 5 This specification appeared to model the secular trend adequately because the resulting residuals showed no evidence of autocorrelation. We attempted to fit alternative model specifications that would directly model the probability of DAS inclusion (i.e., a linear probability model) or its risk ratio (i.e., a log-linear model), either of which would obviate conversio...

Before formal education begins, children typically acquire a vocabulary of thousands of words. This learning process requires the use of many different information sources in their social environment, including their current state of knowledge and the context in which they hear words used. How is this information integrated? We specify a developmental model according to which children consider information sources in an age-specific way and integrate them via Bayesian inference. This model accurately predicted 2–5-year-old children’s word learning across a range of experimental conditions in which they had to integrate three information sources. Model comparison suggests that the central locus of development is an increased sensitivity to individual information sources, rather than changes in integration ability. This work presents a developmental theory of information integration during language learning and illustrates how formal models can be used to make a quantitative test of the predictive and explanatory power of competing theories.

Language is a remarkably efficient tool for transmitting information. Yet human speakers make statements that are inefficient, imprecise, or even contrary to their own beliefs, all in the service of being polite. What rational machinery underlies polite language use? Here, we show that polite speech emerges from the competition of three communicative goals: to convey information, to be kind, and to present oneself in a good light. We formalize this goal tradeoff using a probabilistic model of utterance production, which predicts human utterance choices in socially-sensitive situations with high quantitative accuracy, and we show that our full model is superior to its variants with subsets of the three goals. This utility-theoretic approach to speech acts takes a step towards explaining the richness and subtlety of social language use.

Before formal education begins, children typically acquire a vocabulary of thousands of words. This learning process requires the use of many different information sources in their social environment, including their current knowledge state as well as the context in which they hear words used. How is this information integrated? We specify a model according to which children consider all available information sources and integrate them via Bayesian inference. This model accurately predicted 2-to-5 year-old children’s word learning across a range of experimental conditions. Model comparison suggests that the integration process is stable across development and that the main locus of development is an increased sensitivity to individual information sources. We present a quantitative developmental theory of information integration for language learning, embedded in a larger framework that grounds language use and learning in social cognition.