No abstract

Exchange is the central arena for the articulation of the social structure of the Anganen, Southern Highlands Province, Papua New Guinea. Despite a vast array of potential occasions, there are two main categories of exchange, ‘mundane’ and ‘extraordinary’ (or ‘ceremonial’). These contrast strongly in incidence, the items used, structural logic and many other ways, each giving rise to a particular ‘vision’ of society. Mundane exchange is dominated by exchanges in lieu of individuals (at marriage, death etc.) and warfare related prestations. These are the most frequent exchanges in Anganen and lie at the heart of the process of social reproduction. By contrast, ceremonial exchange, yasolu, is rarely undertaken and is largely peripheral to this process. Ceremonial exchange can be seen as a response to some of the inherent deficiencies of mundane exchange. However, as is noted in approaches which posit a ‘dual nature’ to society, the extraordinary mode of ‘anti‐society’ lacks sufficient functionality to permit social reproduction. This article explores the differences between the structures of these two exchange domains and the consequences this has for meaning (concepts of time, kinship and politics, the role of women, symbolism and so on).

Gift exchange among the Anganen of the Southern Highlands Province (PNG) may be a complex, multifaceted sensory experience for participants and audience alike. This article primarily looks at the sensory dimensions of the organisation of space, with attention also given to sound, the immense heat of large pork distributions and the possibility of heightened emotional states such as trepidation or expectation that may feature in some events. These provide the ambience for the specific meaning of exchange to emerge. I compare a number of exchanges primarily through focusing on what I term politicisation (which may variously concern prestige, the degree of social opposition, or the amount of aggression displayed). Be it through contextual factors, or the inherent structural orientation of any exchange, political intensity varies due to different manifestations of sensory criteria. Gender and space are a major focus. In events that lack overt political intensity such as the marriage ceremony, women occupy centre stage. However, in more overtly politically intense events such as the yasolu ceremonial pork distribution, it is men who command centrality. As far as sound is concerned, while oration may feature, most interest is directed at the role of silence at marriage, the keening of women mourners at mortuary exchange, and a number of non-discursive utterances by men in politically intense events that express aggression or exuberant pride. The argument is that these are not incidental but constitutive aspects of the politics of exchange. As such, the sensory dimensions of sight concern more than just the amount of wealth given, while the audible dimensions must go beyond oration alone.

There are two general ways that meat is deployed in exchange among the Anganen of the Southern Highlands Province, Papua New Guinea. One is communion that forges co‐identification between those eating together. The other is effectively the antithesis of communion. Food is given in formal prestation but explicitly through taboo or as an emergent property of how the exchange takes place; food giver and receiver do not consume meat from the same animal. These emergent properties variously come about through the meat being given raw, undercooked, or in portions far too large for the receiver to consume. My main interest is how these taboo or emergent acts of non‐communion effectively involve non‐food. Certainly part of the meaning of meat is that it will eventually be eaten. However, in the act of exchange because meat cannot be immediately eaten or shared that gives rise to its meaning. Part of this meaning is the degree of what I call politicisation. Acts of non‐communion are politically charged events, be they aggressive or motivated by men seeking prestige. A number of different types of exchange are compared to explore the role of meat in Anganen politics.

Different exchanges offer varying potential for transactors to gain prestige in Anganen, Southern Highlands (PNG). The central argument is that this variation -what I call politicisation -is in part linked with how bodies are variously appropriated as the premise upon which exchange is undertaken. The least prestigious for individual actors are collective prestations in which wealth acts as direct substitution for persons and their bodies. At the other extreme is ceremonial pork distribution where individual prestige is directly measurable in terms of a man's own endeavours. This event is 'beyond bodies' and centres the transactor as the sole, focal individual. In between lie warfare compensations where bodies still create debt, but the focus shifts from the female associated body such as the bride to male associated bodies as when allies compensate slain warriors' agnates . The second most prestigious event is 'moka' in which the 'body' is metaphorised in the Anganen names of its sequence together with aspects of performance. Here wealth does not substitute for the body but rather creates debt. These varying 'body logics' can be seen to lie at the heart of the politicisation in their interrelations with other indices of prestige such as individual autonomy or finance for provisioning. I conclude by suggesting the way bodies are variously appropriated may be a useful comparative base for Highlands political economies more generally.