In this article, we investigate the daily work entailed in maintaining informal transnational childcare relationships between migrant parents and the children's kin or non‐kin caregivers in the country of origin. By applying the concept of ‘kin work’, we seek to understand how work is performed within transnational care relationships. Using a simultaneous matched sample methodology that gives equal weight to data on both sides of the transnational relationship, a team of researchers collected ethnographic data from Ghanaian migrant parents in the Netherlands and from their children's caregivers in Ghana. This approach allowed us to investigate the day‐to‐day care work from two perspectives – namely the visible and the invisible actions of the people involved in creating the kinship relationships of care work. Discrepancies in perceptions were uncovered because we compared data obtained on both sides of the relationship. These findings contribute to our understanding of the ways in which long‐distance practices facilitate the maintenance of kin relationships and how the inability to perform these can lead to tensions.

This article probes how gender norms and male migrants' legal and socioeconomic position shape transnational fathering amongst Ghanaian-born fathers, residing in the Netherlands, who have one or more children living in Ghana. Drawing on ethnographic research with Ghanaian transnational fathers, this article compares fathers' attitudes and actual practices. In conformity with cultural expectations of fatherhood in Ghana, the men in this study primarily addressed their paternal role in terms of financial support for their families as 'breadwinners'. Alongside breadwinning responsibilities, however, over three-quarters of the Ghanaian fathers espoused more 'engaged' parenting ideals, challenging stereotypes of the uncaring and distant migrant father who neglects his 'stay-behind' children's emotional needs. Our analysis shows that fathers' legal and socioeconomic status largely determines men's possibilities to perform their material and 'emotionally engaged' paternal ideals across borders. The emotional distance was particularly pronounced for undocumented and low-income migrants who were legally or financially incapable of bridging the emotional gulf arising from physical distance.

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several years ago, european newspapers regularly published stories and pictures of West african men arriving dehydrated and exhausted on the touristy beaches of the Canary islands (bbC news 2006). Particularly alarming were the large number of deaths en route of migrants not fleeing war or persecution but in search of greener pastures (Ceesay 2007). although migration from West africa is not a new phenomenon the means and trends of migration have changed considerably over the past years, with most notably the increase in irregular migration routes towards europe since the early 1990's. What characterizes these relatively new irregular routes, going overland and oversea, are the high-risks attached to it, with a large proportion of migrants losing their lives en route before they reach their desired destinations. this raises questions on the decision making processes of those participating in these type of migration activities. are they aware of the risks they might face and how does risk inform their decisions to make use of these means of migration? in 2005 and 2006 the sea-passage from the senegalese coast to the Canary islands was among the most popular irregular migration routes from West africa to europe. in traditional wooden fishing boats, locally called gal or pirogue, migrants-the majority coming from senegalmade attempts to enter one of the seven islands of the spanish archipelago from where they hoped to continue their journey to mainland europe. the number of migrants arriving on the islands peaked in 2006 to 32,000. this figure does not include the number of migrants departing from the West african coast but never reached the islands due to premature return or death en route. the distance between dakar, senegal's capital, and the Canary islands, is 938 miles. in the flat-bottomed wooden boats of 14 to 18 meters this trip takes between five to eight days, depending on weather conditions, the navigation skills of the captain and the quality of the boat. the boats in general have no roof and hold a capacity of 50 to 80 persons, depending

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