This article examines the initiatives of The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and Japan through the cooperation of Government to Government (G2G) and the Special ASEAN Summit to combat the pandemic collectively. The initial cooperation through the coordinated “Integrated Recovery Plan” has been very significant for the future of ASEAN and the resilience of a post-COVID-19 world by way of maintaining market stability in order to avoid the potential risk of economic recessions and public health emergencies. This synergism is seen as one of the best mechanisms to help ASEAN in ensuring socio-economic activities are restored and the welfare of about 600 million people is addressed. This research found that ASEAN Plus Three (APT) cooperation should formulate a Regional Recovery Plan and emphasize that the continuity of the supply chain should be maintained to ensure a smooth flow of food and medical supplies. Secondly, APT cooperation needs to be committed to the continuation of opening up markets, maintaining normal trade, services and investment flow in order to continue strengthening regional economic resilience. Thirdly, APT needs to formulate a plan that focuses not only on financial aspects (post-COVID-19 economic recovery) but also on social security networks, food security and education.

ABSTRAKModenisasi Malaysia telah menjadi cabaran kepada perancang sistem komunikasi untuk memenuhi keperluan semasa. Walaupun corak permintaan mobiliti yang disebabkan oleh kemajuan dan kemakmuran ekonomi mewujudkan tekanan kepada sektor komunikasi, ianya disokong dan disesuaikan dengan strategi berterusan oleh kerajaan melalui komitmen pelaburan dan bantuan asing antaranya Bantuan Pembangunan Rasmi (ODA). Kemajuan komunikasi yang dilaksanakan dengan komitmen pinjaman Yen memperlihatkan kebolehaksesan yang dihubungkan sama ada melalui pengangkutan darat, laut dan udara telah membentuk satu sistem jaringan perhubungan yang kompleks dan mempengaruhi pembangunan berterusan melalui perlaksanaan projek-projek baru sejajar dengan keperluan pembangunan Malaysia. Dari tahun 1966 sehingga tahun 2014, sebanyak USD944.35 juta atau 45% daripada jumlah keseluruhan ODA Jepun yang disalurkan ke Malaysia adalah dalam bentuk pinjaman Yen. Pinjaman Yen yang menjadi komponen utama ODA Jepun untuk membiayai 75 projek pembangunan insrastruktur telah mencorakkan persepsi baru landskap sistem komunikasi di Malaysia yang akhirnya menjadi sinergi ke arah pengukuhan struktur daya saing sosioekonomi di peringkat global. Kajian ini menyelidik projek komunikasi di bawah komitmen pinjaman Yen dari tahun 1966 hingga 2015. Kajian ini berhujah bahawa, kebolehaksesan ke setiap koridor dengan perlaksanaan projek komunikasi di bawah komitmen pinjaman Yen seperti lapangan terbang, pelabuhan dan lebuh raya antara yang membantu Kerajaan ke arah meningkatkan kualiti pengangkutan sebagai salah satu daripada bidang keberhasilan utama nasional yang memberi penekanan kepada kesiapsediaan perkhidmatan dan kemudahan mobiliti perjalanan. Kedua, sistem komunikasi yang efisYen antara penyumbang kepada pembangunan sosioekonomi apabila Malaysia menunjukkan korelasi antara pertumbuhan semasa dengan peningkatan mobiliti berikutan pertambahan dalam jumlah kependudukan, pekerjaan dan aktiviti ekonomi. Yen, komunikasi, Malaysia, Jepun. Communication Project under the Yen Loan Commitment ABSTRACT The modernization of Malaysia presents a challenge to communication systems designers in keeping up with current needs. The demand trend in mobile communication brought by economic growth and development has increased pressure on the communication sector. However, this has been supported and adapted to the government's continued strategy with investment commitments and foreign aid such as Official Development Assistance (ODA). Communication development carried out through the commitment of Yen loans has resulted in access via land, sea, and air transports, creating a complex communication network. The network's continued growth has been influenced by the implementation of new projects in line with Malaysia's development needs. From 1966 to 2014, 45%, or USD944.35 million of Japan's ODA to Malaysia was through loans. These loans were used to fund 75 different development projects and contributed to the shaping of a new landscape for Malaysia's communication system. This ult...

The economic relations between Malaysia and China have always maintained a relatively stable trend, and Malaysia also attaches great importance to maintaining the development of economic relations with China. Throughout the decades of development, Malaysia's economic policies towards China have shown different characteristics in different development periods. Especially after Malaysia's domestic election in 2018, Malaysia's economic policy towards China has undergone new adjustments, which is very different from Malaysia's economic policy towards China before 2018. Therefore, by analyzing and summarizing the development of Malaysia's economic policy towards China from 1974 to 2018, this article discusses the focus of economic policy towards China in different periods and how it affects the development of Malaysia's economic relations with China. In this article, researcher systematically review the development of Malaysia's economic policy towards China from 1974 to 2018, and analyse what factors have affected Malaysia's economic policy towards China during this period, and summarize the impact of economic policy on China-Malaysia economic relations? This article mainly includes four parts, the first part is mainly to define the timeframe of the research and introduce the reasons. The second part mainly introduces the main features of Malaysia's economic policy towards China from 1974 to 1985 and its influence. The third part will introduce the characteristics of Malaysia's economic policy towards China since 1985 and focuses on analysing the motivation behind the economic policy towards China during Mahathir and Najib. The last part summarizes the characteristics of Malaysia's economic policy towards China and related impacts over the decades from 1974 to 2018.

ASEAN member states (AMS) are aware that food security is a national issue and should be prioritised. AMS also acknowledged those local efforts are insufficient to face achieve food security. AMS recognize the importance of regional cooperation to achieve food security. ASEAN has come up with several regional initiatives to ensure food security in the region such as AIFS, APTERR and AFSIS. Despite the initiatives there are challenges that impede regional food security cooperation for instance, ASEAN dependency on food imports, non-tariff barriers, and the readiness to adopt advance technology in agriculture and food producing industry. There are many ways to improve regional food security cooperation such as increasing public private partnership and increase investment for research and development. Other than that, ASEAN needs to Standardise the mechanisms and regulatory frameworks at regional level as it will ease and promote trade. Besides, ASEAN also needs to improve, expand the existing food security cooperation mechanism. Regional food security cooperation would optimise ASEAN potential as the world's food basket.

Since independence in 1980, Zimbabwe's foreign policy has evolved from being characterised by a policy of reconciliation which earned it recognition on the international stage, to a policy based on African liberation fundamentals shaped by the country's land reform programme that dominated Zimbabwe's international relations and foreign policy. This saw Zimbabwe's relations with the West becoming strained which resulted in the country being regarded as a pariah state. Zimbabwe sought to survive through new alliances and in turn focused on China and the Far East, which saw the formulation of the Look East policy (LEP). Zimbabwe's development from the turn of the century has been hamstrung by several factors which have emerged both internally and externally. The deterioration of the country's relations with the United States of America resulted in the imposition of sanctions and subsequently the country being unable to receive funding from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank. This heavily impacted Zimbabwe's development. Despite China pledging assistance in the midst of isolation, Zimbabwe's development has not improved much. This paper seeks to analyse how the competition between the US and China has affected Zimbabwe's development from 2000-2017. The paper is divided into five sections which are structured as follows; (i) introduction, (ii) bilateral relations between Zimbabwe and the US and China, (iii) the manifestation of trilateral relations (iv) effects of the rivalry on Zimbabwe and (v) the conclusion.