This study aims to identify the problems of terrorism and insecurity in Nigeria and its attendant consequences on national development, highlighting the aggregate effects of the activities of the Boko Haram terrorists in the Northeast, Bandits in the Northwest, Militants in the Niger Delta, and Fulani Herdsmen across the Country. The qualitative and analytical methodologies will be used in order to explain in details the problems, issues and solutions to the problem of Terrorism and Insecurity in Nigeria. This research finds that the hydra-headed monster of Terrorism and Insecurity ravaging Nigeria in recent times occasioned by indiscriminate attacks razing from vehicular bombing, suicide bombing, sporadic shootings in densely populated areas, razing of police stations, churches, kidnappings of school girls and women; the invasion of farmlands, destruction of crops; rape, armed robbery, murder, destruction of oil facilities; and killings of travelers; by Boko Haram Terrorists, Herdsmen, Militants and Bandits across Nigeria, has resulted in the loss of incalculable lives and properties with a far reaching consequence on national economy and development. This has resulted in the decline in foreign private investments and FDI, economic redundancy and wastage due to attacks on oil facilities. It further recommends that the Nigerian government should quit playing politics with terrorism and seek International supports from Countries with prior history of terrorism, whilst empowering the Nigerian military with sophisticated weapons and adequate strategic surveillance to effectively combat insurgency.

The Muslim political rivalry in democracy has triggered the birth of two groups; Islamist and Muslim Democrat. The two groups are competing by using a different approach in getting the support of the people. The Islamist group is championing its Islamic State agenda and the implementation of Shari`a as a political ambition within the framework of democracy while the Muslim Democrat recognises democracy and freedom as the basis of their struggle. Due to a greater development in democracy and a more open political rivalry, the Islamist group that was initially strongly backed by their rigid ideology and approach, has decided to change for a more moderate approach. This can be seen through their political strategy that emphasises on universal issues such as democracy, justice and good governance without rhetorical expressions of Islam and Shari`a. This change from Islamist to that of Muslim Democrat is an exciting development for it shows the transition path and direction of Muslim politics in Malaysia. This paper examines the latest development of the Islamist group, i.e. PAS in political rivalry in Malaysia, particularly in the recent General Election in 2013. This article reveals that due to the changing political landscape and democratization, the Islamist has pragmatically moderated their stance to gain more supports and it has embarked on a new landscape for Muslim political rivalry in Malaysia. Although PAS's new approach to transform its approach to be more open and democratic is still questionable, this study believes that the participation of the party in democracy is no longer just for the sake of election, on the other hand it should recognise democracy as a political culture that emphasizes justice, freedom and good governance.

This manuscript attempts to determine the concept of governance, the practice of the poverty governance system and the good governance approaches that the public sector administration in Malaysia is applying. The paper is based heavily on the literature review and report from the Economic Planning Unit and National Audit Department. Empirical evidence has shown the public sector administration has been practicing good governance based on work ethics principles initiated by the National Institute of Public Administration. The Department of Social Welfare is selected as an institution that actively manages and administers any issue related to poverty and welfare services. However, the criticisms and complaints towards the public sector services, especially regarding working practices efficiency, remain to be heard. This has been highlighted as the biggest challenge to the public sector. This article implies the issue of poverty will be administered in a well-managed environment along with the good governance approaches but applying 'good enough governance' can be considered a realistic target for the governance system in the public sector. The main viewpoint is the quality and sustainability of public sector services are much more important rather than achieving good governance in its totality.

This article is an in depth discourse of how the Pan-Malaysian Islamic party (PAS) manages to zealously safeguard their fundamental political tenets while at the same time engaging in a new political coalition in an Alternative Front (BA) in 1999 and Pakatan Rakyat (PR) in 2008. These political leagues would assume a lasting feature as PAS explores a new terrain of cooperation that traverse more than an electoral pact. These collaborations which incorporated their shared beliefs and concerns for the sake of democracy, justice, freedom and good governance have unfolded up a new frontier of political leverage for PAS. This also suggests that the party should be less affectionate to its intrinsic party ideologues as it embraces the new coalition's common struggles. The qualitative approach of this study derived its data from extensive verbal interviews with seven prominent top key leaders in the PAS political leadership hierarchy. Several primary documents and minutes of numerous meetings are also scrutinously gleaned over for more informative details. The main striking discovery of this research illustrates that although PAS hopes that its collaboration with other parties would be an endurance one rather than winning an election. However, this never materialises as its efforts to reconcile between the differences of the party inherent principles and the coalition collective objectives ends in a stalemate situation. PAS has an underlying commitment that this cooperation would be able to expedite in fulfilling their Islamic agenda in establishing an Islamic Nation and the implementation of the Islamic hudud law which, on the other hand, do not augur well with the alliances common objectives and eventually imperilled their commutual understanding. This research is relevance in the sense that it looks at the survival of an Islamic party existence within the realm of a turbulent political coalition with other parties of different births. This study to a certain extent invariably interprets that the collaboration of PAS in the BA and PR, rhetorically speaking, is more at a stage of a coalition of convenience and of a short-lived in nature.