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This paper argues for an updated version of the classical derivational approach to Double Object Constructions (DOCs) and parallel dative construction across languages. We extensively argue that the arguments to postulate a non-derivational approach to dative construction do not hold and that, in fact, such an approach runs into unsolvable problems. We argue that the structural alternation is triggered by Preposition (applicative) incorporation and Case/Agreement-relational considerations. We maintain a unified analysis of dative and PP constructions at the level of argument structure, while deriving the structural and Case differences as a consequence of the incorporation of P and its modification of the Case requirements. Combined with a non-symmetric theory of Case, this approach yields the right results for most of the properties traditionally associated to dative constructions. An obvious advantage of our approach with respect to both classical transformational approaches and polysemy analyses, is that it can account in a neat way for the-mixed‖ behavior of the applied and the second objects in dative constructions with regard to-direct object‖-hood, without the need for any stipulative move, completely separating Case relations from argument structure.

This paper relies on the idea that syntactic change stems from linguistic factors that are different in nature and, consequently, trigger different results. Specifically, I distinguish the causes, processes and results related to two different kinds of syntactic change, a ‘formal’ type of change vs. a ‘functional’ one. The hypotheses pursued here are the following: (i) Mismatches between the formal features a learner has acquired and certain data she receives during the language acquisition period lead to a syntactic change type, which restructures completely the syntactic derivation involved; (ii) The advantage of parsing one variant over parsing another triggers a different kind of change, namely one that affects specific instances or uses / registers of the crucial syntactic structure. To illustrate this, I analyze the role of functional advantage and formal changes in the historical development of the case system of Russian non-verbal predication.