Infant botulism was confirmed in a 5-month-old female by both isolation of Clostridium botulinum type B and by detection of type B botulinum neurotoxin in rectal washout and faeces. DNA fingerprinting of nine isolates from faeces yielded two different amplified-fragment length polymorphism (AFLP) patterns. C. botulinum was isolated from two of 14 food and drink items from the patient's home: C. botulinum type A was recovered from an opened container of dried rice pudding and C. botulinum type B from opened infant formula milk powder. Ten C. botulinum type B isolates from the opened infant formula yielded four AFLP patterns, two of which were indistinguishable from the clinical isolates. Fifteen unopened foods were tested and C. botulinum type B of a unique AFLP pattern was recovered from one unopened infant formula of the same batch as the opened container. It is suggested that multiple C. botulinum were present in both food and the intestine during infant botulism.

This paper investigates the cumulative impacts of the 2008 economic crisis and its aftermath (including policy changes) on young people in a sparsely populated rural area of northern England. The paper locates the research in the context of youth studies, Bourdieu's theory of practice, concepts of welfare regimes and welfare mix, and studies of the impacts of the crisis and austerity policies on the distribution of social and societal risk. The empirical findings reveal the challenges which faced young people in rural England before the financial crisis still persist. Moreover, the overwhelming reliance of young people on family for support generates further inequalities through what might be termed 'secondary impact austerity': young people feel indirectly and unevenly the economic effects and policy changes which impact on parents' and communities' ability to offer them support. Thus, changes to the welfare system, loss of services and less secure forms of employment exacerbate the transfer of social risk and the deepening of poverty for vulnerable groups. This is worsened in this rural area by the moral imperatives which stigmatise access to state and charitable support. Thus, moral capital and local habitus intersect with social, economic and cultural capitals in structuring inequalities.