The article discusses the problem of studying the NorthEastern tradition of the Yakut epic. This tradition is part of the Northern regional tradition of the Yakuts. At the moment, the problem of studying the Northern regional tradition remains open. The study was based on the works of P. Ergun, V.N. Toporov, L.V. Dmitrieva, I.V. Pukhov, N.V. Emel'yanov, L.N. Semenova and others. The images and semantics of the sacred tree in the Olonkho of the NorthEastern tradition are considered in detail. This image is characteristic for the 8 texts of the 14 considered Olonkho from momskiy, verkhoyanskiy, abyiskiy and srednekolymskiy districts or Sakha (Yakutia) Republic local traditions. In Olonkho texts of studied tradition the sacred larch image is widespread. As the researchers note, the sacred larch image is the most archaic. Carried out a comparative analysis of the sacred tree in Olonkho from three traditions (Vilyui, Central and NorthEastern). The sacred tree descriptions in the three traditions had their own regional differences. As a result of sacred tree semantics comparison in Olonkho of three traditions had been revealed the following. In the Central tradition, the sacred tree does not reach the Upper and the Lower worlds. In the Vilyui tradition, the tree penetrates through the Middle world and reaches the Upper world, becomes the horse standing for the Supreme deity Ürüng Aÿý toÿon 'White Creator Lord'. In Olonkho of the studied tradition the top of the sacred tree goes to the Upper world and roots penetrate deep into the Lower world. In the middle world the tree Ál Lúk Mas appears as a center of the world and a sacred place. In the Lower world the sacred tree appears as a hook for the things of its Lord Arsán Tôlaya. The main results of the work allows to suggest that the sacred tree semantics in the Olonkho of this tradition is more interesting and distinctive from the Olonkho of other regional traditions.
The article discusses the functional features of the symbol of fire. The authors analyze the main functions of the symbol of fire in the traditional culture of the Altai peoples. The spirit of fire among the Altai peoples is presented in a female anthropomorphic image, it is called "От эне" 'Mother Fire'. She acted as a mediator, a mediator between the three worlds according to the traditional picture of the world (Upper, Middle, Lower). She acted as a mediator between the Light deities-Аjас Конга 'Clarity Khan', Ак jайыктаҥ Алтай 'white Yaik Altai', Ульген 'Supreme deity'. According to the ideas of the Altai peoples, the main functional affiliation from эне ('Mother Fire') was the protection of family happiness and the protective function of the entire patrimonial center. In addition to the function of mediator, mediator and patron, the Spirit of Fire also had its purifying function. The authors emphasize that the ancient Altaians constantly performed the rite of consecration by fire and daily treated their patron, the keeper preserved the sacralization of the main function of the Fire Spirit as the patron of man, family and kind.
В данной статье рассмотрены героические эпосы якутского и шорского народов. Перед нами стоит цель изучить сюжетнокомпозиционную структуру текстов олонхо северовосточной традиции якутов и шорских эпосов в сравнительном аспекте. Материалом для исследования послужили 14 текстов и сюжетов олонхо северовосточной традиции якутов и 3 текста шорского эпоса из репертуара сказителя В. Е. Таннагашева. В основном, сюжетнокомпозиционная структура тюркских эпосов состоит из вступления, завязки, развития действия, кульминации, развязка и заключительной части. Сюжеты олонхо северовосточной традиции якутов и эпос шорцев разделяются на три части: вступительная, основная и заключительная. Во вступительной части олонхо исследуемой традиции и шорского эпосов не характерно космогоническое начало, что является чертой архаических эпосов. Вступительная часть шорских эпосов отличается краткостью описаний. В этих текстах лишь упоминаются природа, народ и золотой дворец, где живет главный герой. В отличии от шорского эпоса, во вступительной части олонхо северовосточной традиции подробно описываются жилище главного героя, дворовые постройки, его богатство, природа и священное дерево Аал Луук Мас. Основная часть олонхо северовосточной традиции состоит из простой, сложной и полной сюжетнокомпозиционной структуры. В шорском эпосе характерно только простая и сложная сюжетная структура. В заключительной части шорского эпоса характерна трагическая концовка. В этих сюжетах главные герои погибают в конце повествования. В текстах олонхо северовосточной традиции встречается сюжет, где погибает главный герой. По словам олонхосута данный текст является недоконченным, поэтому данный сюжет имеет трагическую развязку с недоконченной концовкой. Сравнительный анализ сюжетной структуры позволяет сделать следующие выводы: сюжеты олонхо северовосточной традиции якутов и эпосы шорцев близки друг к другу, но имеют свои особенности. Эти народы имеют родственные связи. Вероятно, что эпосы родственных народов возникли на стыке исторических и духовных контактов. This article discusses the heroic epic of the Yakut and Shor peoples. Our goal is to study the plotcompositional structure of the olonkho texts of the northeastern tradition of the Yakuts and Shor epics in a comparative aspect. We studied 14 texts and plots of olonkhos of the Northeast Yakut tradition and 3 texts of the Shor epic from the repertoire of the narrator V. E. Tannagashev. The plotcompositional structure of the Turkic epics mainly consists of the introduction, outpouring, development of the action, climax, denouement, and the final part. The plot of the Yakut olonkho and the Shor epic are divided into three parts: introductory, main and final. In the introductory part of the Yakut and Shor epics, the cosmogonic beginning is not characteristic, which is a feature of archaic texts. The introductory part of the Shor epics is notable for its brevity of descriptions. These texts only mention nature, people and the golden palace where the main character lives. In contrast to the Shor epic, in the introductory part of the olonkho of the northeastern tradition, the dwelling of the protagonist, courtyard buildings, his wealth, nature and the sacred tree Aal Luuk, by weight, are described in detail. The main part of the olonkho of the northeastern tradition consists of a simple, complex and complete plotcompositional structure. In the Shor epic, only a simple and complex plot structure is characteristic. In the final part of the Shor epic, a tragic ending is common. In these plots, the main characters die at the end of the story. In the texts of the olonkho of the northeastern tradition there is a plot where the main character dies. According to olonkhosut, this text is unfinished, therefore this plot has a tragic denouement with an unfinished ending. A comparative analysis of the plot structure allows us to draw the following conclusions: the plots and motifs of the epics of the Yakuts and the Shors are close to each other, but have their own characteristics. These peoples have family ties. It is likely that the epics of kindred peoples arose at the junction of historical and spiritual contacts.
This article touches on the issues of the study of the Sakha pantheon of Aiyy deities. The goal of this article is to examine the work and research dedicated to studying the upper Aiyy deities. This research utilizes comparative and descriptive methods to reveal the similarities and differences in representations of Aiyy deities in the Sakha epic olonkho. A lexico-semantic method was used in the analysis of the names of the upper deities. An analytic survey of the work of researchers of Sakha folklore, including the work N. P. Prizupov, I. A. Khudyakov, V. M. Ionov, N. A. Alekseev, and others. These scholars often included representations of the deity Iuriung Aar Toion. The deity Iuriung Aiyy Toion is mentioned in the works of N. F. Ostolopov, R. K. Maak, E. K. Pekarskii, and others. Several researchers include representation of both deitys, for example Ia. I. Lindenau. It was the opinion of A. E. Kulakovskii that Iuriung Aar Toion and Iuriung Aiyy Toion were representations of a single deity. A. I. Gogolev asserted that the image of the sun deity Iuriung Aar Toion merged with the functions of Aar Aiyy Toion in the 20 th century. Researchers also mentioned two more representations of chief deities in the Upper World: Aar Aiyy Toion and Aiyy Tangara. The figure of Aar Aiyy Toion is often presented as the "Holy, Godly Lord" in the works of R. K. Maak, E. K. Pekarskii, and V. F. Troshchanskii. The authors of this article analyzed olonkho texts from three different regional traditions: the central tradition, the viliusk tradition, and the northeastern tradition. The figure of the deity Iuriung Aiyy Toion is mentioned primarily in olonkho in the viliusk and northeastern epic traditions. In contrast, olonkho in the central epic tradition include representations of the deity Iuriung Aar Toion. The images of both Iuriung Aar Toion and Iuriung Aiyy Toion have been studied in the northeastern epic tradition. As a result of this analysis of the works of researchers of Sakha folklore, ethnography, and history, we can conclude that the figure of the primary Sakha deity has been represent in four different ways: Iuriun Aar Toion, Iuriung Aiyy Toion, Aar Aiyy Toion, and Aiyy Tangara. The name of the chief deity in folkloric texts is represented in several ways, thus leading to different interpretations of his image.
The present article describes complex epithet constructions, which were distinguished in the northeastern Yakut Olonkho-telling tradition. The aim of the research is to study complex epithet constructions: epithets of comparison, numerical, and metaphoric epithets. There were a total of 251 (26%) epithets with complex comparisons found in the text in the course of its analysis. The first group comprises of epithets connected with natural objects. In Olonkho, the descriptions of the northern Yakutia territory (i.e., its plant life, water landscapes, general landscapes, and celestial events) are introduced by incorporating these epithets, which are widely used. The second group of complex epithets with comparisons comprises of somatic epithets which give a general description of the main and secondary characters through the body and appearance description as well as the gestures and emotions. The third group comprises of complex epithets, the objects of which are connected with dwellings, household dwellings, and general household features. A significant meaning of the bogatyr (ancient warrior) horse in the life of the main characters of Yakut Olonkho allows singling out a separate, the fourth group of epithets, i.e., 15 complex epithets, the objects of which are those denoting horse body parts. The northeastern Olonkho text contained 382 instances of numbers used as component-parts of numerical epithets. The numerical epithets are subdivided into three groups. Thus, the first group, which is the largest among all three (91%) consists of numerical epithets, which in turn, include linear numerals as well as cardinal numerals and ones denoting age and number adverbs. The second group contains a smaller scope of numerical epithets (7%); these include numerical epithets based on the usage of doubledigit numbers. The third and the smallest group (2%) includes numerical epithets which contain threedigit components (2%). Numerical epithets are one of the widely used epithets in the poetic structure of the epic tradition under study. Apparently, the numerals in this type of epithet constructions performed not only a comprehensive and descriptive but also an educational function. Metaphoric epithets make up 15% of the total amount of epithets identified and selected within the scope of the northeastern Olonkho text research. They are equally simple and complex in their essence. Simple metaphoric epithets consist of one object and image. Complex epithets contain several objects, each of which has its own attributive combinations; these attributive combinations consist of a noun in its non-transferred meaning and a metaphor. Thus, epithets represented in the Olonkho texts are complex in their structure (26%).
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