Метою статті є аналіз монографії Юрія Каганова, яка  присвячена осмисленню важливої частини перманентного комуністичного експерименту з  формування «радянської людини» в Українській  РСР у 1950-х – 1980-х рр. На підставі здійсненого аналізу визначено оригінальність дослідження, авторську концепцію проблеми, охарактеризовано структуру, повноту використання автором документальних та історіографічних джерел; показано теоретико-методологічну та практичну значимість наукової праці.

The aim of the article is to study the development of the Polish national movement in Galicia during World War I.Research methods: analysis, synthesis, generalization, problem-chronological, historical-systemic.Scientific novelty: for the first time in the national historiography the genesis of the Galicia Polish national idea ​ in 1914-1918 and the activity of local Polish politicians for its realization were comprehensively researched. Conclusions: Due to the liberal political regime of Austria-Hungary, the Polish national movement of Galicia achieved significant results in the end of nineteenth - beginning of twentieth century. Therefore, the Polish political elite saw at the beginning of World War I a chance to liberate Polish lands from the Russian Empire and restore its national state. According to most members of the Polish national movement, the achievement of this aim should have been based on support and close union with the Habsburg monarchy. As a result, all Polish parties in Galicia and their representatives of the Vienna Parliament solemnly sided with Austria and the Fourth Union in the world conflict. During the first stage of World War, the Polish society of the region supported Austria-Hungary enthusiastically and helped to form national subdivision within the Austrian army - the Polish Legions. The situation sustained a radical change after the signed an agreement of the Fourth Union with the Ukrainian National's Republic. A covert addition to this document provided for the division of Galicia on national feature. This undermined the trust of Polish politicum and society to Vienna. However, American president Wilson in his "14 theses" guaranteed the restoration of the Polish state with access to the sea in January 1918. Besides, with the entry of the United States into the war on the side of the Entente, the Fourth Union practically lost its chances of military victory. Therefore, in the end of 1918, the Galicia’s Polish political elite realized the necessity of unification to rebuild the Polish state within the borders of 1772 without the Fourth Union’s support.

The aim of the article is to study the problem of relations between Ukraine and the Russian Federation after the proclamation of Ukraine's independence. The authors focus on the process of identity formation in the newly created states and on how identity has influenced the perception of the neighboring people in Ukraine and Russia. The research methodology is based on a combination of general scientific and special-historical methods with the principles of objectivity, historicism, systematicity, scientificity and verification. The scientific novelty of the work is that, using the achievements of both domestic and foreign scholars and the achievements of sociological science, the authors offer their own view on the problem of interstate relations, analyzing them in terms of forming a view of the neighboring state through the prism of national identity. Conclusions. Ukraine and the Russian Federation had different views on the common historical legacy of being in the Soviet state. If for Ukraine the Soviet experience was full of problems related to the planting of the Soviet identity, which, in turn, ignored the needs of the national Ukrainian identity, or openly instrumentalized the Ukrainian national identity for the needs of the state. Therefore, having started the process of state building, the greatest successes in Ukraine were achieved by those politicians who focused on the civic Ukrainian identity. The process of «nationalization» in Ukraine has been ambiguously perceived in different regions. Russia was characterized by considerable sentiment after the Soviet era, which was based on the idea of the greatness of the Soviet state, which to some extent reflected the desire of Russian elites and society to restore this greatness. In this context, Ukrainian independence was perceived as an extremely hostile phenomenon for Russia. Warming up the imperial and nationalist sentiments of Russian society, the Russian government successfully created an image of Ukrainian statehood as a dangerous phenomenon and used this image in the annexation of Crimea and the outbreak of war against Ukraine in Donbas.

The features of the sociocultural identity of the residents of Vinnitsa region are analyzed through the prism of cultural landscape based on field ethnographic materials collected during expeditions by students of the Faculty of History, Law and Public Administration and educators of the Department of History and Culture of Ukraine of Vinnitsa State Pedagogical University named after M. Kotsyubynsky in 2020. This has been achieved through combining objects of material culture with varieties of worldview manifestations and behavioral practices. The prospects of the research are important both in the scientific and in the public areas emphasizing its applied value. There is the question of the further process of the sociocultural identity of the residents of Vinnitsa region through the prism of decentralization reform, the expressiveness of the own “face” of the region due to active exploitation of distinctive local resources, strengthening the tourist attractiveness and comfort of the region. The outcomes of this study could interest researchers involved in developing methodological tools in the context of rethinking sociocultural identity and (re)planning the cultural landscape in the post-Soviet space.